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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Urban policy<br />

metropolitan strategic planning rhetoric: productivity, sustainability, liveability <strong>and</strong><br />

governance. In 2016, the Liberal–National Coalition government launched the<br />

‘Smart Cities’ plan with the ambition to ‘rethink the way our cities are planned,<br />

built <strong>and</strong> managed’. 24 The plan, not a substantive policy document, reflects<br />

internationally shared (<strong>and</strong> poorly defined) ‘common sense’ tenets that productive<br />

cities are smart, innovative, connected <strong>and</strong> liveable. In the same year, the<br />

government announced the <strong>Australian</strong> Infrastructure Plan, asserting that ‘the<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> government should drive change in the planning <strong>and</strong> operation of<br />

Australia’s cities’. 25 Federal commitments comprise funding for infrastructure<br />

planning <strong>and</strong> provision <strong>and</strong> seeking partnerships with state <strong>and</strong> territory<br />

governments via City Deals, which are ‘bespoke’ place-based funding agreements<br />

presented as boosting urban productivity while enabling the ‘value capture’ of<br />

enhanced tax revenue from development. The deals are described as ‘driv[ing]<br />

national priorities tailored to local needs’. 26<br />

Questions arise about the federal government’s engagement in matters that are<br />

generally regarded as the states’ prerogative – metropolitan strategic planning <strong>and</strong><br />

infrastructure investment. The resurgence of national urban policy in Australia<br />

contrasts with the approach in other Western countries, where intergovernmental<br />

decentralisation is leading to the creation of institutions at the metropolitan level,<br />

justifiedonthebasisofenhancingmetropolitan regions’ global competitiveness<br />

while increasing democratic accountability. In the UK, where the City Deals<br />

approach originated, the funding agreements are ‘devolution deals’ premised on the<br />

creation of metropolitan governments that include representatives of constituent<br />

local governments <strong>and</strong> a directly elected ‘metro mayor’. 27 <strong>Australian</strong> conceptions<br />

of national urban policy do not envisage representative, revenue-generating metropolitan<br />

governments, perceived as a threat to state <strong>and</strong> federal power <strong>and</strong> influence.<br />

Australia’s exceptionalism can be related to its extreme vertical fiscal imbalance.<br />

28 Thisimbalanceisbasedonwhichlevelofgovernmenthasthepowerto<br />

make decisions about public spending <strong>and</strong> taxation. Australia is atypical, given<br />

the power of the federal level in collecting most taxation revenue before making<br />

transfers to the states <strong>and</strong> territories in the form of general <strong>and</strong> tied grants. The<br />

states/territories can levy limited taxes but derive nearly half their revenue from<br />

federal grants. 29 This imbalance enables the federal government to assert power<br />

over planning for <strong>and</strong> infrastructure investment in cities, when it chooses to do so.<br />

MajorroadprojectssuchastheEastWestLinkinMelbourne,Perth’sRoe8highway<br />

extension <strong>and</strong> Sydney’s WestConnex have been highly contested but exemplify the<br />

influence of funded federal priorities on state priorities. The projects are insulated<br />

24 Department of the Prime Minister <strong>and</strong> Cabinet 2016, 4.<br />

25 Infrastructure Australia 2016, 175.<br />

26 Department of the Prime Minister <strong>and</strong> Cabinet 2016, 5.<br />

27 S<strong>and</strong>ford 2018.<br />

28 OECD 2016.<br />

29 Galligan 2014.<br />

717

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