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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

But even in countries ideologically committed to private mechanisms,<br />

governments still become involved in at least partially funding health care. Table 1<br />

shows how health care is funded in high-income ‘developed’ countries.<br />

Whatever form insurance takes, those seeking health care usually have to<br />

make some out-of-pocket outlays. Such payments may be in the form of a fixed<br />

partial contribution (as with pharmaceuticals in Australia) or in the form of<br />

payments that accumulate before the insurer, usually a government insurer, covers<br />

all or a large part of further expenses. In high-income ‘developed’ countries,<br />

including Australia, out-of-pocket expenses are generally around one-fifth of total<br />

health care expenditure, although they can vary tremendously between different<br />

services.<br />

Market failures in health care<br />

Government involvement in health care isn’t just about achieving some form of<br />

equity through community rating. There are also ‘market failures’ in the provision<br />

of health care. In the economists’ model of well-functioning competitive markets<br />

there are many conditions to be satisfied, including easy <strong>and</strong> free exchange of<br />

information between suppliers <strong>and</strong> customers, <strong>and</strong> the absence of monopolisation<br />

or concentration of market power. Markets for clothes <strong>and</strong> fresh fruit come close<br />

to the ideal competitive model, but health care is far removed from it in three<br />

important ways.<br />

First it is almost impossible for consumers to judge the quality of services on<br />

offer.Althoughthereisnoshortageofwebsiteswithhealthadvice,inhealthcare<br />

theconsumerisgenerallyinapositionwhereheorshemustplaceahighdegree<br />

of trust in the professional judgement, education <strong>and</strong> expertise of the medical<br />

practitioners or other health professionals providing services. Economists refer to<br />

this as a situation of ‘information asymmetry’.<br />

Second, there is the potential for service providers, particularly medical<br />

specialists with highly specific skills, to exert a high degree of market power. We<br />

expect medical specialists to be well qualified, with tough university admission<br />

requirements <strong>and</strong> many years of rigorous training. This, in itself, makes for scarce<br />

supply, <strong>and</strong> when the professional bodies themselves have some power over<br />

accreditation they can restrict supply even further. Such supply limitations give<br />

service providers the power to set high prices.<br />

Similarly for pharmaceuticals there is an inbuilt degree of market power<br />

enjoyed by large corporations. Bringing a new pharmaceutical to market involves<br />

large outlays on science <strong>and</strong> discovery <strong>and</strong> on clinical trials, easily running into<br />

hundreds of millions of dollars. In order to encourage firms to make such<br />

investments, governments offer pharmaceutical firms patent protection – usually<br />

in the order of 20 years. Without patent protection there would be little incentive<br />

for development of new medicines, but with patent protection pharmaceutical<br />

firmswouldbeabletousetheirmarketpowertochargeveryhighpricesfor<br />

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