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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

give greater weight to (gendered) relational imperatives, against the (gendered) bias<br />

towards unencumbered individualism in the traits expected of parliamentarians. 55<br />

Feminist institution building<br />

Under the Whitlam Labor government in the 1970s, Australia developed a (then)<br />

unique model of women’s policy machinery in which dedicated units in departments,<br />

supported by a central hub, worked to integrate gender analysis throughout<br />

the different policy areas. Women’s budget statements analysed budget commitments<br />

with a gender lens, <strong>and</strong> ‘femocrats’ (feminist bureaucrats) within government<br />

tried to maintain links with feminists outside government, particularly the Women’s<br />

Electoral Lobby. 56<br />

From the 1990s onwards, this model declined, in part due to rising neoliberalism<br />

<strong>and</strong> the gradual disappearance from public view of an autonomous,<br />

active <strong>and</strong> oppositional women’s movement. 57 The recent surge of feminist activity<br />

globally (including the Women’s March, #metoo <strong>and</strong> other mobilisation against<br />

violence <strong>and</strong> harassment), as well as ongoing Indigenous women’s resistance <strong>and</strong><br />

leadership, has intensified dem<strong>and</strong>s for greater gender equality mechanisms. The<br />

announcement in 2018 that the <strong>Australian</strong> Bureau of Statistics’ Time Use Survey<br />

(a key mechanism to measure gender disparities in unpaid care labour) will be<br />

reintroduced after a 12-year hiatus may be a sign that feminist dem<strong>and</strong>s for<br />

stronger women’s policy machinery are being heard.<br />

The other major stream of feminist institution building – non-government<br />

women’s services, such as shelters <strong>and</strong> women’s health centres – has continued,<br />

now running as part of a large, under-resourced sector of government-funded<br />

but independently run community services. 58 This institutional ‘nestedness’ 59<br />

sometimes supports <strong>and</strong> legitimises women’s services, but it also makes it difficult<br />

for them to sustain <strong>and</strong> gain recognition for their distinctive role.<br />

Representation<br />

Across the world, much attention has been given to the participation of women<br />

(<strong>and</strong>, more recently, LGBTIQ+ people) in formal politics, measuring inequalities<br />

as well as identifying the underlying factors that structure participation, with the<br />

aim of improving the inclusiveness of existing political systems. The concept of<br />

representation is key to this ‘inclusion project’. 60<br />

55 Grey 2009, 205–10.<br />

56 Sawer 1990.<br />

57 Maddison <strong>and</strong> Partridge 2007; Sawer 2007, 40.<br />

58 Murray 2005; Wainer <strong>and</strong> Peck 1995.<br />

59 Mackay 2014.<br />

60 Squires cited in Celis et al. 2013, 9.<br />

362

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