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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Executive government<br />

served its opponents for 23 years without interruption. This practice was continued<br />

<strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ed upon by the Fraser government <strong>and</strong> given legal form by the Hawke<br />

government in 1984. 19<br />

Today, Australia has around 450 political staff at the federal level. Political<br />

staff have become an institutionalised component of executive office. They offer<br />

both partisan <strong>and</strong> personal support to their ministers. Staff also support ministers’<br />

executive function by undertaking overtly partisan policy work, such as agenda<br />

setting, bargaining <strong>and</strong> negotiating within government. They also undertake other<br />

policy work that overlaps with the roles of the minster <strong>and</strong> the bureaucracy, such<br />

as meeting with stakeholders <strong>and</strong> working with the bureaucracy to ‘deliver’<br />

outcomes. 20 However, political staff are not accountable in the same manner as<br />

ministers or senior public servants. They are not required to present themselves<br />

before parliament <strong>and</strong> cannot be called before parliamentary committees.<br />

Centralisation of power<br />

In recent times, there has been a growing debate about the decline of Cabinet<br />

government <strong>and</strong> the increasing dominance of the prime minister. Part of the debate<br />

is driven by the establishment <strong>and</strong> expansion of political institutions supporting the<br />

prime minister. In 1911, the PMC was established. However, PMC’s role was largely<br />

administrative until the prime ministership of John Gorton (1967–70). After this<br />

time, PMC developed the capacity to act as both a co-ordinator across government<br />

<strong>and</strong> a source of separate, <strong>and</strong> rival, departmental advice to the prime minister. The<br />

concurrent development of the prime minister’s personal office (PMO), which is<br />

by far the largest <strong>and</strong> best resourced, has also reinforced <strong>and</strong> extended existing<br />

information <strong>and</strong> power (hiring <strong>and</strong> firing) asymmetries between prime ministers<br />

<strong>and</strong> ministers. 21<br />

Access to advice <strong>and</strong> additional capacity for oversight has made it possible for<br />

prime ministers with high st<strong>and</strong>ing to dominate their governments. John Howard<br />

achieved dominance over his government through the skilful use of the resources of<br />

the PMO <strong>and</strong> PMC, in combination with his personal leadership qualities <strong>and</strong> style.<br />

Importantly, however, as government becomes more complex, there is growing<br />

need for oversight <strong>and</strong> co-ordination across departments. Given that ministers are<br />

responsible to the prime minister <strong>and</strong> that the prime minister is the head of the<br />

government, centralisation is a pragmatic response to the complexity of governing.<br />

However, we should not make the mistake of crudely translating prime ministerial<br />

prerogative as strength. Consider the example of Kevin Rudd, who was able<br />

to dominate his Cabinet by usurping the right to hire <strong>and</strong> fire ministers from the<br />

19 Maley 2018.<br />

20 Maley 2000.<br />

21 Strangio, t’Hart <strong>and</strong> Walter 2017.<br />

65

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