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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

including detection of unexpected or undesirable side-effects. Similarly, there can<br />

beevaluationsofoperationstofindwhichsurgicalproceduresaremosteffectiveor<br />

whether pharmaceutical treatments can substitute for surgery, for example.<br />

Asageneralrule,governmentsseekevidenceontheeffectivenessofhealth<br />

care interventions. The gold st<strong>and</strong>ard, as in other areas of public administration, is<br />

‘evidence-based policy’. But it is a tough st<strong>and</strong>ard in health care. Research is difficult<br />

<strong>and</strong>expensive,inpartbecausetherearenotst<strong>and</strong>ardconditions<strong>and</strong>therearenot<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ard procedures. And there are ethical considerations in experiments involving<br />

people: is it ethical to conduct control experiments in which some patients are<br />

given one form of operation while others are given another form?<br />

Even when the effectiveness of a form of treatment is established, the question<br />

of value-for-money arises. A new pharmaceutical may be very effective in prolonging<br />

the life of cancer sufferers, but if the drug is very expensive, <strong>and</strong> if the<br />

prolongation of life is only short, could scarce public money be better directed to<br />

where more health benefits could be enjoyed?<br />

Such considerations concern the basis of policy-makers’ job assignment in a<br />

democracy. In the regulations they design or implement, or in the advice they give<br />

governments, can they differentiate between the needs of different people? Can they<br />

make hard <strong>and</strong> cold evaluations that would lead to a certain person being denied<br />

a life-extending pharmaceutical so that a limited budget can be spent on suicide<br />

prevention for adolescents for example?<br />

In one frame, such considerations involve the policy maker having to say one<br />

life is worth more than another. In another frame, however, it is simply a question<br />

of the best allocation of scarce resources. A road authority with a limited budget<br />

<strong>and</strong> a brief to make roads safer would be remiss if that money were not spent on<br />

areas where the best outcomes could be achieved. Similarly, in evaluating health<br />

interventions, policy makers strive to find value-for-money in terms of outcomes.<br />

Such is the essence of cost–benefit analysis, a basic technique in the policy maker’s<br />

toolbox.<br />

What therapies give the best outcomes <strong>and</strong> what do they cost? One measure is<br />

to consider how many extra years of life, on average, result from a therapy with a<br />

given cost. A more refined analysis is to apply some weighting based on the quality<br />

of those life-years. One such metric is the health-adjusted life expectancy (HALE)<br />

– the average time an individual can live without disease or injury. 15 Anotheristhe<br />

quality-adjusted life year (QALY), where a weight between 0 (death) <strong>and</strong> 1 (ideal<br />

health) is assigned, <strong>and</strong> yet another is the disability-adjusted life year (DALY).<br />

While such metrics implicitly put a value on life, the <strong>Australian</strong> Institute of<br />

Health <strong>and</strong> Welfare (AIHW) qualifies the use of such metrics with the statement:<br />

‘However,theuseofhealthstatepreferences<strong>and</strong>DALYorQALYmeasuresto<br />

quantify loss of health or health gain carries no implication that society will<br />

15 AIHW 2017a.<br />

614

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