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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

industry that is efficient, competitive <strong>and</strong> responsive to <strong>Australian</strong> needs. These<br />

are enduring themes, articulated in distinctive policy responses in different eras.<br />

So regular mail deliveries <strong>and</strong> public payphones have been overtaken by fast fixed<br />

broadb<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> wide mobile coverage as the most important basic services.<br />

Broadcast radio <strong>and</strong> television are now less important to emerging generations<br />

than to older media users. The High Court’s 1992 Mabo decision 14 rewrote the<br />

political <strong>and</strong> cultural framework within which ‘<strong>Australian</strong> content’ needs to be<br />

imagined. Existing mechanisms for dealing with fairness <strong>and</strong> accuracy in news<br />

<strong>and</strong> current affairs have been overwhelmed in the digital era: policy responses to<br />

‘fake news’ are a work-in-progress. 15 Communications networks have always been<br />

instruments of defence, national security <strong>and</strong> law enforcement but the rules <strong>and</strong><br />

tools of surveillance have changed constantly: foreign shareholding in Telstra is still<br />

capped at 35 per cent <strong>and</strong> in 2012 <strong>and</strong> 2018 the federal government banned Chinese<br />

telecoms equipment makers Huawei <strong>and</strong> ZTE from supplying equipment for the<br />

NBN <strong>and</strong> 5G networks. 16<br />

There is a strong element of bipartisanship in these broadly expressed goals but<br />

communications is often a heavily contested, highly political field. This is partly<br />

because the goals themselves sometimes conflict with each other: introducing a<br />

major overhaul of broadcasting law in the early 1990s that introduced statutory<br />

objects for the first time, the minister acknowledged ‘there are some tensions<br />

between the objects that will need to be balanced by the regulator <strong>and</strong> the courts’. 17<br />

Suppliers, regulators <strong>and</strong> customers can legitimately disagree about the benchmark<br />

set in the Telecommunications Act 1997 (Cth): ‘accessible <strong>and</strong> affordable carriage<br />

services … supplied at performance st<strong>and</strong>ards that reasonably meet the social,<br />

industrial <strong>and</strong> commercial needs of the <strong>Australian</strong> community’. 18 The National<br />

Classification Code says ‘adults should be able to read, hear, see <strong>and</strong> play what<br />

they want’, but also that ‘everyone should be protected from exposure to unsolicited<br />

material that they find offensive’. The <strong>Australian</strong> Broadcasting Corporation (ABC)<br />

is ‘by far the nation’s most trusted media organisation’, according to a Roy Morgan<br />

survey in May 2018, 19 although some in politics deeply distrust it: ‘our enemies<br />

talking to our friends’, said former Howard government adviser Graeme Morris in<br />

1997. 20<br />

The broadening <strong>and</strong> deepening of the social <strong>and</strong> economic role of networked<br />

digital technologies has changed the politics of communications in at least two<br />

ways. First, the political power of particular media forms, especially commercial<br />

TV, newspapers <strong>and</strong> talkback radio, has diminished, along with the unrivalled<br />

14 Mabo <strong>and</strong> others v Queensl<strong>and</strong> (No. 2) [1992] HCA 23; (1992) 175 CLR 1 (Mabo).<br />

15 Nelson <strong>and</strong> Taneja 2018; Viner 2016.<br />

16 Slezak <strong>and</strong> Bogle 2018.<br />

17 Collins 1992, 3600.<br />

18 Telecommunications Act 1997, section 3.<br />

19 Roy Morgan 2018.<br />

20 Hartcher 2009.<br />

528

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