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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

boost urban competitiveness, are consistent with the shift towards a neoliberal<br />

political agenda.<br />

Globalising the city<br />

Another perspective on the shift from equity to efficiency goals is provided by<br />

considering policy as attempting to globalise cities by positioning them within<br />

global flows of people, finance, goods <strong>and</strong> services. Such underst<strong>and</strong>ing has been<br />

used to justify major investment <strong>and</strong> infrastructure projects, accompanied by place<br />

br<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> marketing <strong>and</strong> the provision of incentives, including l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> tax<br />

breaks, to attract major global investors. The changing urban economy, characterised<br />

by the proliferation of advanced services <strong>and</strong> knowledge-based industries,<br />

has resulted in bifurcation between highly skilled, well-paid professional work <strong>and</strong><br />

low-paid, unstable, unskilled service jobs in those cities clamouring for or seeking<br />

to retain global city status, including Sydney <strong>and</strong> Melbourne. By the late 1990s, in<br />

such cities, house prices had already risen beyond the incomes of many people.<br />

Gentrification, or the process by which urban neighbourhoods, usually the home<br />

of low-income residents, become the focus of reinvestment <strong>and</strong> (re)settlement<br />

by higher-income residents, is framed by some as urban renewal, but others see<br />

it as displacement of poorer, vulnerable city residents <strong>and</strong> a reduction in their<br />

opportunities to gain access to good quality urban areas. 14 Rising house prices<br />

<strong>and</strong> rents also attract property speculation, which fuels further inflation. In turn,<br />

‘the urban problem’ has been socially constructed as one of poor city residents<br />

lacking the skills to compete in job markets <strong>and</strong> generate the means to look after<br />

themselves–ajustificationforcuttingsocialwelfareprovisionbypromotingthe<br />

moral imperative of self-improvement. Others critique this construction as a form<br />

of social pathology, where people are blamed for their problems, rather than<br />

relating these to inequities resulting from global processes, compounded by state<br />

withdrawal of social welfare. In contrast, the public goods <strong>and</strong> services consumed<br />

by the wealthier are rarely framed as welfare benefits. 15 For example, both public<br />

housing for those in need <strong>and</strong> negative gearing tax concessions for the wealthy<br />

are benefits, but the ways in which these are socially constructed indicates the<br />

dominance of efficiency goals given public subsidy to encourage profit-making<br />

from private property ownership. 16<br />

Certainly the city needs to be considered as part of wider processes. Flows (such<br />

as of investment <strong>and</strong> people), intervention by higher levels of government (targeted<br />

at urban areas or not) or international policy transfer shape what goes on within<br />

urban areas. But the urban remains distinctive as a political realm, with its everyday<br />

struggles about public services, housing <strong>and</strong> infrastructure, along with conflicts<br />

14 Lees 2003.<br />

15 Cochrane 2007.<br />

16 Holden 2018.<br />

714

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