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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Foreign <strong>and</strong> defence policy<br />

Treaty created a trilateral Australia–USA–New Zeal<strong>and</strong> arrangement, but is now<br />

effectively bilateral since Wellington was excluded by the USA in 1986 over its nonnuclear<br />

policy. 66 The alliance retains strong elite <strong>and</strong> public support in Australia<br />

<strong>and</strong> the country remains ‘dependent’ upon Washington for its ultimate national<br />

defence, including the important function of the US nuclear capability to deter<br />

armed attack upon its territory (‘extended deterrence’). 67 Indeed, without American<br />

military support Australia would need to raise its defence budget significantly, <strong>and</strong><br />

perhaps even contemplate developing an independent nuclear deterrent to secure<br />

its national defence. 68<br />

Sustained <strong>Australian</strong> commitment <strong>and</strong> ‘loyalty’ to the alliance has been<br />

demonstrated through its unfailing military contribution to coalitions led by the<br />

USA in Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq, <strong>and</strong> in the broader ‘War on Terror’ against<br />

al-Qaeda/ISIS. The capabilities of the ADF are closely interoperable with those<br />

of their American counterparts <strong>and</strong> utilise much of the same US technology. 69<br />

Australia also hosts a range of ‘joint facilities’ such as the Pine Gap intelligence<br />

facility <strong>and</strong> ‘rotational’ deployment of the US Marine Air–Ground Task Force near<br />

Darwin. Finally, recent white papers have indicated that Canberra is committed to<br />

deepening its alliance interdependence through increased military integration. 70 As<br />

such, Canberra has been a resolute diplomatic supporter of US foreign <strong>and</strong> strategic<br />

policy in a bid to ensure its own national security through the maintenance of<br />

US primacy in Asia (e.g. through the ‘Free <strong>and</strong> Open Indo-Pacific’ strategy). This<br />

is enshrined in <strong>Australian</strong> defence thinking as necessary ‘payment of an alliance<br />

premium’ to assuage ‘fear of ab<strong>and</strong>onment’, thus theoretically ensuring that the<br />

USA reciprocates should Australia find itself under attack in some future<br />

unspecified contingency. 71<br />

Yet, debates regarding the reliability <strong>and</strong> desirability of the US alliance have<br />

been sparked when Washington has engaged in internationally controversial <strong>and</strong><br />

destabilising policies such as the invasion of Iraq or President Trump’s rejection of<br />

internationalnorms.Thoughbipartisansupportfortheallianceisresolute,<strong>and</strong>the<br />

benefits are clearly enumerated above, the alliance is not without its academic <strong>and</strong><br />

political critics, many of whom point out that the ANZUS Treaty itself is less than<br />

unequivocal about automatic American military support for Australia. 72 Indeed,<br />

the shifting power dynamics in Asia <strong>and</strong> President Trump’s disruptive ‘America<br />

First’ foreign policy have demonstrated that ‘the credibility of US primacy has been<br />

visibly diminished’. 73 Some <strong>Australian</strong> analysts have consequently pondered if the<br />

66 Hensley 2013.<br />

67 Bell 1988.<br />

68 Frühling 2018.<br />

69 Dean, Frühling <strong>and</strong> Taylor 2016.<br />

70 Department of Defence 2016; Department of Foreign Affairs <strong>and</strong> Trade 2017.<br />

71 Gyngell 2017.<br />

72 Fraser <strong>and</strong> Roberts 2014.<br />

73 Bisley 2017, 45.<br />

597

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