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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

At the same time as remote-employment policies are becoming more coercive,<br />

employment rates in remote Australia have remained largely stagnant <strong>and</strong> the<br />

gap between Indigenous <strong>and</strong> non-Indigenous employment in remote areas has<br />

widened. 68 Despite claims about the importance of evidence-based or informed<br />

policy, there is little to no robust evidence available on the public record which<br />

demonstrates that the CDP, or similar previous programs, have worked to improve<br />

employment outcomes for remote participants, especially those experiencing<br />

complex employment barriers. 69 This suggests that factors other than evidence are<br />

driving the design of social policies in this area, <strong>and</strong> indicates a need to reconsider<br />

the framing of the remote-employment policy ‘issue’.<br />

Social policy as a behavioural tool<br />

Social policy can be used to enable <strong>and</strong> empower, but also to govern, coerce <strong>and</strong><br />

control. Social policies inevitably embed normative assumptions about suitable or<br />

desirable ways of living <strong>and</strong> behaving, which can serve to restrain each individual’s<br />

power over their own lives <strong>and</strong> identities. They can also explicitly contain<br />

behavioural objectives, seeking to influence the ways that social policy ‘subjects’<br />

view <strong>and</strong> interact with the world, including through behavioural economics <strong>and</strong><br />

‘nudge’ interventions. 70 For instance, social policies often seek to influence how<br />

individuals address their health, spend their time, grow their wealth, <strong>and</strong> more. 71<br />

Thaler <strong>and</strong> Sunstein discuss ‘nudge’ interventions as being grounded in a<br />

libertarian-paternalist framework, which recognises the critical importance of<br />

personal liberty, but which also acknowledges the potential benefits of ‘soft’<br />

paternalism in influencing behaviour without restraining individual choice. ‘Choice<br />

architects’ – those responsible for devising nudge interventions – seek to subtly<br />

manipulate the context within which choices are made so as to encourage, but not<br />

to require, certain choices over others. Thaler <strong>and</strong> Sunstein provide the example<br />

of placing fruit at eye-level in school cafeterias to encourage students to choose<br />

healthy food options. While this policy does not restrain their ability to choose<br />

other options, it nevertheless subtly influences the likelihood that their choices will<br />

be healthier than if the fruit was placed elsewhere.<br />

At the other end of the scale are policies driven by hard paternalism. These<br />

policies tend to limit individual freedom <strong>and</strong> choice, instead coercing individuals to<br />

conform to particular st<strong>and</strong>ards of behaviour or ways of being. Extending Thaler <strong>and</strong><br />

Sunstein’s example, a hard paternalist approach to improving school students’ diets<br />

might involve regulating the food options available in school cafeterias to exclude<br />

unhealthy foods, thereby restricting choice <strong>and</strong> removing individual discretion.<br />

68 DPM&C 2018d; Venn <strong>and</strong> Biddle 2018.<br />

69 Staines 2018.<br />

70 Thaler <strong>and</strong> Sunstein 2009.<br />

71 Deeming 2016.<br />

700

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