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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

inflation known as ‘stagflation’, <strong>and</strong> the unravelling of the Keynesian orthodoxy in<br />

the1970schallengedthisconsensus.TheHawke–Keatinggovernmentsresponded<br />

by liberalising the <strong>Australian</strong> economy <strong>and</strong> opening it up to international market<br />

forces in an effort to ensure economic security.<br />

These policy shifts also advocated multilateral agreements to lower tariffs for<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> resources <strong>and</strong> agricultural goods – an area where Australia retained<br />

a comparative advantage. The record here was mixed – the conclusion of the<br />

Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Trade <strong>and</strong> Tariffs (GATT) in 1994<br />

did contain successes for Australia, but the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, which set<br />

the framework for the EU single market, the creation of the North America Free<br />

Trade Agreement (now USMCA), <strong>and</strong> moves by ASEAN (Association of South-<br />

East Asian Nations) to negotiate a free trade agreement that excluded Australia,<br />

concerned <strong>Australian</strong> policy makers. 22 Reducing trade protection barriers further<br />

wasofparticularconcerngiventheincreasingimportanceofJapan,China<strong>and</strong><br />

South-East Asian countries as growing economies <strong>and</strong> important markets for<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> exports. APEC was therefore a forum that Labor has embraced to<br />

promote liberalisation in the region, but a pan-regional APEC free trade agreement<br />

remains elusive.<br />

The Howard government faced many of the same challenges as Labor <strong>and</strong>,<br />

acting upon a preference for neoliberal principles, took the view that bilateral<br />

trade negotiations could supplement multilateral efforts. This was informed by<br />

the difficulties of the Doha Round of the GATT <strong>and</strong> was especially a concern<br />

about trade access in East Asia, where Australia was making little headway with<br />

ASEAN+3 23 <strong>and</strong> signs were developing of regional <strong>and</strong> bilateral trade agendas that<br />

excluded <strong>Australian</strong> participation. The Howard government negotiated bilateral<br />

FTAs with Thail<strong>and</strong>, Singapore, <strong>and</strong> more controversially the USA (AUSFTA),<br />

where political imperatives to solidify the <strong>Australian</strong>–USA relationship seemed<br />

to be as paramount as economic considerations. 24 Multilaterally, the Howard<br />

government was instrumental in the negotiation of the ASEAN–Australia–New<br />

Zeal<strong>and</strong> free trade agreement 25 <strong>and</strong> provided funds to the International Monetary<br />

Fund as part of the bailout package during the Asian Financial Crisis (1997–98).<br />

Since then, further bilateral FTAs have been negotiated with Chile, Malaysia,<br />

South Korea, Japan <strong>and</strong> China <strong>and</strong> multilaterally with the Comprehensive <strong>and</strong><br />

Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) after the withdrawal<br />

of the USA from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations in 2016. This reflects<br />

the continuing significance of the neoliberal consensus in trade policy that has<br />

22 Meredith <strong>and</strong> Dyster 1999, 290.<br />

23 ASEAN+3 is a forum for cooperation between ASEAN members <strong>and</strong> the East Asian<br />

nation-states Japan, China <strong>and</strong> South Korea.<br />

24 Capling 2008, 36–7.<br />

25 Firth 2011, 251.<br />

588

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