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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

Alternatively, income management under the Cape York Welfare Reform<br />

initiative 79 is delivered as one of multiple options (including referral to support<br />

services) available to the Family Responsibilities Commission: a statutory authority<br />

that undertakes restorative conferencing with welfare recipients who breach certain<br />

social triggers. 80 Conferencing is undertaken by Indigenous community Elders<br />

(sitting as ‘local commissioners’) <strong>and</strong> the decision about whether to apply income<br />

management, including what percentage <strong>and</strong> for how long, is also made by the<br />

Elders. This model was ‘opted into’ by the participating communities as part of the<br />

broader Cape York Welfare Reform initiative.<br />

In Ceduna <strong>and</strong> the East Kimberley, trials of the cashless welfare card (a different<br />

form of income management) are ongoing, with recent trials implemented in the<br />

Goldfields <strong>and</strong> East Kimberley regions of WA, as well as the most recent trial being<br />

implemented in Bundaberg <strong>and</strong> Hervey Bay in Queensl<strong>and</strong> from January 2019.<br />

Under the cashless welfare card, individuals are not referred. Instead, up to 80 per<br />

cent of an individual’s welfare income is automatically redirected to a debit card,<br />

which can only be used to purchase approved items (i.e. not alcohol, gambling<br />

products or for withdrawing cash).<br />

Although the models differ in their design <strong>and</strong> administration, they all involve<br />

behavioural objectives, which seek to coerce certain behaviours by restricting or<br />

removingindividualchoiceoverexpenditure–aformofhardpaternalism.Inthis<br />

way, welfare income is used as a lever for behavioural compliance with selected<br />

social norms. Welfare conditionality of this nature is also supported by broader<br />

discourses around welfare dependency <strong>and</strong>, thus, it is hoped that by increasing<br />

conditionality, individuals will ultimately be incentivised away from long spells on<br />

welfare.<br />

This social policy focus raises challenging questions around the roles of<br />

different players in social policy design <strong>and</strong> implementation. For instance, income<br />

management in all areas (aside from Cape York) has been conceived of <strong>and</strong><br />

designed by the Commonwealth government. However, it co-opts state-level<br />

bureaucracy in its implementation by requiring child safety workers, for instance,<br />

to make client referrals to the scheme. Its operation therefore depends on the cooperation<br />

<strong>and</strong> compliance of state government level public servants. The case study<br />

of compulsory income management, like so many social policy examples illustrates<br />

the complexity of federalism, particularly the degree to which co-operative or<br />

competitive federalism is at play in the design <strong>and</strong> delivery of social policies.<br />

The Cape York trial, which has been ongoing since 2008 <strong>and</strong> was designed <strong>and</strong><br />

implemented through a partnership between four Indigenous communities (with<br />

a fifth community added later on), an Indigenous not-for-profit organisation, <strong>and</strong><br />

the Queensl<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Commonwealth governments, also raises questions around<br />

79 This initiative has been implemented in the Far-North Queensl<strong>and</strong> communities of Aurukun,<br />

Coen, Hope Vale, Mossman Gorge <strong>and</strong> most recently Doomadgee.<br />

80 For example, not sending children to school or being convicted of a crime.<br />

702

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