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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

influx of mainl<strong>and</strong> Chinese students, <strong>and</strong> the establishment of Confucius Institutes,<br />

exposing the nation to contact with all things Chinese as never before. Beeson <strong>and</strong><br />

Hameiri attest to ‘the game-changing nature that China’s rise has had on nearly<br />

every aspect of Australia’s foreign policy <strong>and</strong> much domestic policy, too’. 61<br />

But<strong>Australian</strong>policymakershavebeensomewhatuncomfortablewithChina’s<br />

meteoric rise to power, 62 <strong>and</strong> <strong>Australian</strong> economic dependency upon China is a<br />

double-edged sword as Beijing’s national interests <strong>and</strong> values are, in many ways,<br />

inimical to those held by Australia. In the past, Australia enjoyed the happy<br />

concurrence of its trade <strong>and</strong> security centred upon the USA <strong>and</strong> its allies (especially<br />

Japan), but efforts to ‘compartmentalise’ trade <strong>and</strong> security initiated under Howard<br />

have now run their course. 63 In contrast to Australia’s liberal democratic capitalist<br />

democracy, China is a (nominally) communist authoritarian government which<br />

holds different views on domestic practice <strong>and</strong> regional affairs. For example,<br />

Australia is mindful of Chinese ‘core interests’ <strong>and</strong> refrains from aggravating<br />

BeijingoverthestatusofTaiwan,HongKong<strong>and</strong>Tibet(e.g.receivingtheDalai<br />

Lama), subdues its criticism of human rights, <strong>and</strong> weighs the support it gives to<br />

Washington <strong>and</strong> Tokyo when this conflicts with Beijing’s views.<br />

Of particular note is Australia’s opposition to Chinese assertiveness in the<br />

South China Sea, where Beijing has territorial disputes with neighbouring<br />

countries <strong>and</strong> is engaged in a process of militarising artificial l<strong>and</strong> features, against<br />

the strong protests of the USA <strong>and</strong> others. Australia risks both diplomatic<br />

chastisement <strong>and</strong> economic retaliation (‘punishment’) for diplomatic missteps in<br />

Beijing’s eyes – such as decrying China as a ‘threat’ (as in the 2009 Defence White<br />

Paper). Moreover, Chinese influence on Australia’s domestic politics has not always<br />

been benign. The revelation of expansive industrial <strong>and</strong> defence espionage activities<br />

<strong>and</strong> attempts to shape political dynamics within the country (known as ‘influence<br />

operations’) have revealed the stark divergences in political <strong>and</strong> cultural mores<br />

among the two. 64 Australia has since sought to increase its resilience to such efforts<br />

<strong>and</strong> has passed legislation to scrutinise Chinese investment due to linkages with<br />

state-owned enterprises. Thus, Beeson <strong>and</strong> Hameiri conclude that ‘for better or<br />

worse, however, attempting to manage relations with China is going to be the litmus<br />

test of policy efficacy for any <strong>Australian</strong> government for the foreseeable future’. 65<br />

US alliance<br />

The US alliance has remained a central pillar of <strong>Australian</strong> foreign <strong>and</strong> defence<br />

policy planning since its codification in the ANZUS Treaty of 1951, which served to<br />

shield the country from the communist threat of the USSR <strong>and</strong> China. The ANZUS<br />

61 Beeson <strong>and</strong> Hameiri 2017, 7.<br />

62 Gill <strong>and</strong> Jakobson 2017.<br />

63 White 2013.<br />

64 Hamilton 2018.<br />

65 Beeson <strong>and</strong> Hameiri 2017, 9.<br />

596

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