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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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DRAMA<br />

fragments. These are thoroughly Plautine. A Men<strong>and</strong>rian monologue has<br />

been converted into a farcical canticum, while other exchanges quoted by<br />

Gellius have been vulgarized with jokes that recall the tone of Plautus' Asinaria.<br />

Unfortunately we have no means of knowing whether the Plocium was an early<br />

or late work, or whether it is representative, or whether <strong>and</strong> in what directions<br />

Caecilius' style developed over the years. Nevertheless, <strong>and</strong> with all due caution,<br />

one can point to a number of features of his work taken as a whole which<br />

suggest an intermediary position between Plautus <strong>and</strong> Terence, not only in<br />

time, but also in technique.<br />

At least a third of his output — probably upwards of fifty plays in about<br />

twenty-five years — represents Men<strong>and</strong>er. The titles of his plays fall more<br />

easily into the well-defined categories of New Comedy than Naevius' or<br />

Plautus'; most are simply the Greek title retained, or simply Latinized. Terence,<br />

Turpilius, <strong>and</strong> others followed this example. It is an aesthetically significant<br />

change, for it implies the identity of the Latin play <strong>and</strong> its model, <strong>and</strong> invites<br />

comparisons of the kind made by Gellius in a way avoided by Plautus. The<br />

slave appears to have been demoted from the prominent status with which<br />

Plautus <strong>and</strong> Naevius had endowed him. None of the plays is named after him<br />

{Davos is a corrupt title). Caecilius also gave up Plautus' freedom in naming his<br />

characters <strong>and</strong> apparently kept exclusively to the main stock names of New<br />

Comedy. While in most points, e.g. word-formation <strong>and</strong> articulation of the<br />

verse, Caecilius is like his seniors, he favours the line-cadence . . . ""v-> Q significantly<br />

more often than they. In these points he anticipates Terentian<br />

traits. Terence omits Caecilius' name when he appeals to others' example to<br />

defend his own interference with the dramatic structure of a model {An. 18),<br />

but it would he hazardous to combine this with Varro's praise of Caecilian<br />

plots, or the trimmed role of the slave, to infer that Caecilius kept specially<br />

close to his models. To judge from the fragments in general, even the late<br />

Caecilius can have contributed little to the revolution in style represented by<br />

Terence's Andria, which, according to a dubious story, was read <strong>and</strong> approved<br />

by the aged Caecilius.<br />

This revolution was abortive. The old, full-blooded style represented by<br />

Caecilius was at least as influential as Terence's in the work of Sextus Turpilius,<br />

the last important writer of palliatae, <strong>and</strong> in the togatae of Afranius; <strong>and</strong> this exuberant<br />

style was still the only one favoured in the scripted mimes <strong>and</strong> Atellane<br />

farces of the first century B.C.<br />

Terence<br />

(i) Terence's aims <strong>and</strong> models. Terence regarded Plautus, Caecilius, <strong>and</strong> his<br />

own adversary Luscius Lanuvinus as old-fashioned; it was a fault that they<br />

did not even try to imitate the direct, accurate, <strong>and</strong> charming qualities of<br />

116<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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