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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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DIALOGUES AND TREATISES<br />

dared to breathe in a public speech {Civ. Dei 2.30). Cotta in the De natura<br />

deorum is a pontiff who adheres scrupulously in public to the traditional cults<br />

but is largely sceptical about them in private (1.61) — like some Renaissance<br />

Pope, <strong>and</strong> no doubt like Cicero himself. Nevertheless Cicero was careful to<br />

distinguish between superstition <strong>and</strong> true religion (Div. 2.148). Again, at the<br />

end of the De natura deorum, despite his disclaimer at 1.10 (see p. 230), he<br />

briefly intimates in propria persona that he himself considers the Stoic view put<br />

by Balbus in Book 2 'most like the semblance of truth'. Yet he has reservations:<br />

although ' the argument from design' convinces him of the existence of a providential<br />

deity (indeed outright atheists were very few in antiquity), <strong>and</strong> he<br />

takes his conscience as evidence that the soul is divine <strong>and</strong> comprehends the<br />

divine law (though 'no one has ever owed his virtue to god'), he rejects the<br />

(inconsistent) Stoic doctrines of divine interference <strong>and</strong> determinism because of<br />

his predisposition to believe in freewill <strong>and</strong> the reality of moral choice- 1 The<br />

Tusculans in particular, though ostensibly a detached exposition of various<br />

views, betray by their tone his own commitment to belief in the immortality of<br />

the soul. Books 1 <strong>and</strong> 5 are really emotional declamations. Pain <strong>and</strong> death were<br />

particularly topical subjects at that time.<br />

As literature these works are perhaps not exciting by modern st<strong>and</strong>ards.<br />

Their significance lies in their having become the medium by which the substance<br />

of Greek philosophy was transmitted to the West <strong>and</strong> kept alive until<br />

Greek works were studied in the original again. They are enhanced by the<br />

illustrations, literary, historical <strong>and</strong> anecdotal, that came so readily to Cicero's<br />

pen, <strong>and</strong> by the mastery of language that never failed however fast he wrote. His<br />

last <strong>and</strong> most influential work, astonishing considering that he was now in the<br />

forefront of the struggle with Mark Antony, was not a dialogue but a treatise<br />

ostensibly addressed to his student son, the De officiis (On moral obligations).<br />

This has therefore a special status as representing his own views, though the<br />

first two books are avowedly based on Panaetius; <strong>and</strong> for once he deviates into<br />

dogmatism. Though he incidentally criticizes Caesar (without sparing Pompey),<br />

approves of his assassination, <strong>and</strong> deplores the flouting of the republic by<br />

Antony, that is not sufficient reason for supposing the work to have been<br />

politically motivated. It carries on from the Definibus. Books 1 <strong>and</strong> 2, somewhat<br />

encumbered by repetitions but relieved by Cicero's perennial abundance of<br />

illustrations, deal with right (Jionestum) <strong>and</strong> expediency (utile) respectively.<br />

Book 3 examines cases of apparent conflict between the two. (There could be no<br />

real conflict, for the advantages of expediency are short-term; by doing wrong<br />

you harm your own soul.) Book 1 introduces, a propos the cardinal virtue of<br />

1 In the partially extant De fato (jiff.)- The extant Paradoxa Stoicorum shows his interest in<br />

Stoicism. It is a rhetorical elaboration of the paradoxes, composed in the spring of 46, probably as an<br />

intellectual exercise, <strong>and</strong> dedicated to Brutus.<br />

265<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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