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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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LUCRETIUS<br />

oppressing the minds of almost everyone <strong>and</strong> seizing on the weakness of<br />

men'(2.148).<br />

It is important to realize that the criticisms of Epicurean exaggeration refer<br />

to one topic only, the old stories about the torments of the damned. When<br />

Cicero says that legends of this sort were not generally believed, we should<br />

take his word for it. These stories are described as ' the marvels of poets <strong>and</strong><br />

painters', that is to say, they are part of the literary tradition <strong>and</strong> belong to<br />

a different theology from that of the old Roman notion of the di Manes.<br />

Professor Jocelyn Toynbee, after surveying the literary <strong>and</strong> epigraphic evidence,<br />

concluded that in the late Republic <strong>and</strong> throughout the Empire, ' views on the<br />

nature of the life that awaited the soul beyond the grave were, in the main,<br />

optimistic'. 1 It follows that to rescue men from a belief in eternal torment<br />

cannot have been a serious part of Lucretius' intention. In fact, the underworld<br />

theme is not prominent in the poem, nor in the extant writings of Epicurus is<br />

there a single reference to the legends of the damned, although the topic is<br />

discussed by Democritus (DK 11 207, B 297) <strong>and</strong> by later Epicurean writers.<br />

Lucretius mentions the fear of the underworld in the prologue of the poem,<br />

but the long consolatio about death in Book 3 is mainly about man's general<br />

fear of extinction <strong>and</strong> not about the terrors of the underworld. The legends of<br />

the damned are introduced in one section only (987—102.3), but here the poet's<br />

interest is in contrasting these ancient stories widi the ethical doctrines of<br />

Epicurus.<br />

It should now be clear that Lucretius' poem is not to be interpreted simply<br />

as an attack on popular religion. If he refers sometimes to fading beliefs <strong>and</strong><br />

old superstitions, it is as symbols of a more persistent misconception. His<br />

target is larger <strong>and</strong> more important: he is attacking a whole way of looking<br />

at the world in theological terms, of explaining its movements <strong>and</strong> its mystery<br />

as evidence of the working of a higher power. Religio, as Lucretius conceived<br />

it, was not just a source of vulgar superstition: it could also deceive more<br />

serious <strong>and</strong> reflective minds. It was religio, for example, •which inspired belief<br />

in the divinity of heavenly bodies (5.110—21), a view which had impressive<br />

philosophical support <strong>and</strong> was accepted by Aristotle. What Lucretius found<br />

humiliating about the theological mode of thought was that it made men slaves.<br />

The universe, which ought to inspire wonder, became arbitrary <strong>and</strong> inexplicable,<br />

<strong>and</strong> men suffered as the victims of their own imaginings. For Lucretius<br />

the scientific materialism of Epicurus was a liberating doctrine: it made it<br />

possible to see the world as it really was, to underst<strong>and</strong> not just its surface<br />

appearance, but its inner workings as well. Sellar may have exaggerated in<br />

claiming for Lucretius a ' genuine philosophic impulse <strong>and</strong> the powers of mind<br />

dem<strong>and</strong>ed for abstruse <strong>and</strong> systematic thinking'; 2 but there is no mistaking the<br />

1 Toynbee (1971) 38. * Sellar (1889) 335.<br />

212<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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