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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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CICERO'S ATTITUDE TO CULTURE<br />

date is 150 B.C., had known Duillius, comm<strong>and</strong>er in the First Punic War (2.60)<br />

<strong>and</strong> met people who remembered the war against Pyrrhus before that. He was<br />

talking there to the younger Scipio, who in the De re publica transmits Roman<br />

<strong>and</strong> family tradition to the younger generation, including the sons-in-law of his<br />

friend Laelius. In the De amicitia, set in the same year (129), Laelius in turn is<br />

entertaining his sons-in-law; while in the De oratore Crassus, initially in the<br />

presence of Laelius' son in-law, the now aged Scaevola the Augur, is represented<br />

as discoursing in 91 to a distinguished gathering, one of whom, Cotta, could be<br />

represented by Cicero as later describing the occasion to himself. 1 In the Prologue<br />

to De finibus 5 (1—8) he recalls his youthful explorations of Athens with<br />

his brother, his cousin, Atticus <strong>and</strong> another friend: 'wherever we step, we are<br />

treading on history'.<br />

It must be admitted however that Cicero sometimes compromised with his<br />

principles. In politics he was bad at seeing opponents' points of view <strong>and</strong><br />

dogmatic in formulating his own. He was capable of soliciting Lucceius to<br />

waive the strict veracities of history when he came to deal with his own consulship<br />

(Fam. 5.1 z). With specious chauvinism he even once asserted that the Latin<br />

language, far from being poor, as was popularly supposed, was richer than the<br />

Greek {Fin. 1.3.10). He was as ready in his speeches as any other advocate, if it<br />

suited his brief, to disparage the law <strong>and</strong> lawyers, laugh at Stoics, insinuate that<br />

an Epicurean must be a libertine, suggest that you could not trust a Greek or a<br />

Gaul, <strong>and</strong> call Judaism a barbarous superstition (see p. 252). Only in defending<br />

the Greek poet Archias, where there was little case to answer, did he feel he<br />

could speak out in court for culture. His studies, highly though he valued them,<br />

were in truth a second best to political activity: ' I see nothing else I can do<br />

now.' He suggested that Scipio, the philosophic man of action, had the edge<br />

over Socrates <strong>and</strong> Plato. Writing after Caesar's murder, when he was once more<br />

at the helm, to his son, then a student of philosophy at Athens, he said, ' one<br />

should know what the philosophers recommend, but live as a man of the world<br />

(ciuiliter) *. z However, as with Seneca, it is the ideals he so eloquently proclaimed,<br />

not the extent to which he lived up to them, that have mattered in the cultural<br />

history of the world.<br />

2. ORATORICAL THEORY AND PRACTICE AS CICERO FOUND IT<br />

Not only higher education but literature in general at Rome was founded on<br />

oratory. For its early history we have to rely on Cicero's account in his Brutus.<br />

Though he shapes this in such a way that it culminates in himself, there is no<br />

evidence, at least in our fragments of previous speeches, 3 to gainsay him.<br />

1<br />

Rambaud (1953) 104-7. * Lactantius, Defals. sap. 3.14.<br />

3<br />

Assembled by H. ( = E.) Malcovati (1955).<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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