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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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TACITUS<br />

Tacitus begins his Histories in annalistic manner, with the consular year 69,<br />

but compensates somewhat for thus starting in mediis rebus by his memorable<br />

survey of the state of the empire (Hist. 1.4—11). He begins the Annals, originally<br />

titled or subtitled ab excessu divi Augusti, non-annalistically, but then,<br />

in Ann. 1-6 at least, adheres quite strictly to an annalistic layout. How, we<br />

may wonder, did he conclude the work? If with Nero's death, not the end of<br />

A.D. 68, then he nowhere recorded about six months of that year, a curious<br />

gap in an otherwise complete narration. Some scholars have criticized his<br />

decision to commence with Tiberius' accession. Other starting-points, they<br />

say, would have been better historically. Perhaps so, but none would have been<br />

perfect.<br />

Several structural questions remain unanswerable: how, for instance, did<br />

Tacitus dispose his material in the missing portions of the Histories <strong>and</strong> Annals,<br />

<strong>and</strong> did he attach special importance to grouping in sections comprising six<br />

books? Again, having virtually no firm evidence for date, we cannot say much<br />

about stages of composition. We may detect some considerable linguistic<br />

differences between Hist. 1—5, Ann. 1—6, <strong>and</strong> Ann. n—16, but they prove<br />

only that Tacitus was incessantly experimenting. Again, in these three sections,<br />

we observe changes in historiographical technique: in Hist. 1—5 the material<br />

is tightly packed, the narrative rapid, the centre of interest often shifting, in<br />

Ann. 1—6 Tacitus proce<strong>eds</strong> in more leisurely manner, diverging little from a<br />

simple framework, <strong>and</strong> centring attention on one dominant figure, while in<br />

Ann. 11—16 the structure is looser, the presentation of material varied <strong>and</strong><br />

episodic. But these changes are largely imputable to the subject matter; the<br />

momentous events of A.D. 69 required a wide scale <strong>and</strong> sustained intensity of<br />

treatment, Tiberius, as an individual, was more interesting than his three<br />

successors, <strong>and</strong> under Claudius <strong>and</strong> Nero there were distinct phases, historical<br />

<strong>and</strong> dramatic, for which soberly annalistic narration, focused on Princeps <strong>and</strong><br />

Senate, was not altogether ideal. But we still face the disquieting possibility<br />

that the Annals were never completed <strong>and</strong> that Books 13—16 are unrevised.<br />

The occasional laxity in structure, certain inconsistencies, some imprecision<br />

in nomenclature, <strong>and</strong> arguable lack of polish in expression may so suggest.<br />

Much of this can, however, be explained by carelessness over detail (such as<br />

we sometimes find elsewhere in his work) or mere exhaustion or increasing<br />

self-assurance.<br />

Tacitus claims (Hist. 1.1.3 <strong>and</strong> Ann. 1.1.3) to write dispassionately, untouched<br />

by malice or partisanship. That conventional assertion appears in<br />

many writers, Greek <strong>and</strong> Roman. Historians were expected to tell the truth<br />

<strong>and</strong> the whole truth (cf. Cic. De or. 2.62), but, of course, not all of them did.<br />

In his prefaces <strong>and</strong> at Hist. 2.101.1 Tacitus scathingly castigates certain predecessors,<br />

some of whom he must have employed as sources: they falsified<br />

647<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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