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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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DESTINY AND RELIGION<br />

their individual free will within the framework of a divine purpose, about the<br />

problems of evil <strong>and</strong> suffering in a world guided by benevolent providence.<br />

His preoccupations are those to which Christianity was so shortly to give its<br />

answers; his own answers are very halting <strong>and</strong> uncertain. In his invocation to<br />

the Muse (1.8—11) he asks to be told the causes for Juno's hostility towards<br />

a man outst<strong>and</strong>ing for his devotion to his gods <strong>and</strong> his fellow men (insignem<br />

pietate uirum), <strong>and</strong> he concludes with the question tantaene animis caelestibus<br />

irae? 'Can there be such anger in the minds of the gods?' For all the final success<br />

of Jupiter's purpose, for all the final reconciliation of Juno, the note of<br />

suffering <strong>and</strong> pathos is very often dominant in the poem. Unlike Milton, Virgil<br />

does not profess to be able to 'justify the ways of God to men', but this is<br />

the theme which he explores in countless situations in the poem, as he sets<br />

different aspects of human experience, human aspiration, human suffering in<br />

the context of a story laden with destiny.<br />

The religious content of the poem is (naturally enough) largely concentrated<br />

in the narrative as the Olympian deities scheme <strong>and</strong> counter-scheme <strong>and</strong><br />

Jupiter guides events towards the way which destiny dem<strong>and</strong>s, <strong>and</strong> as the<br />

human actors pay their worship, make their prayers <strong>and</strong> fulfil their religious<br />

ceremonies (the Aeneid is remarkably full of religious ritual, partly because of<br />

Virgil's love of ceremony <strong>and</strong> antique customs, <strong>and</strong> partly because of the<br />

essentially religious nature of Aeneas' destiny). But there is one place in the<br />

poem where an exposition of theological doctrine is set forth in a didactic<br />

fashion; this is where the ghost of Anchises explains to his son when they meet<br />

in Elysium the nature of the life after death (6.724-51). The exposition does<br />

indeed serve the plot, because it is needed to explain the presence of the ghosts<br />

at the river of Lethe, but it is primarily a religious message to the Roman<br />

reader, several times reminiscent in style of the didactic method of Lucretius<br />

<strong>and</strong> strongly coloured with the Stoic ideas which Virgil had come to find more<br />

acceptable than the Epicureanism which he followed in his youth. The message<br />

is the more striking because of its total contrast with the afterlife in Homer,<br />

whose Nekyia in Odyssey 11 had suggested some of the structure of Aeneid 6.<br />

The essence of the speech 1 is based on Orphic <strong>and</strong> Pythagorean ideas as purified<br />

by Plato: this life is merely a preparation for a richer life to come, <strong>and</strong> in<br />

proportion as we concentrate on the spirit <strong>and</strong> not on the body during this<br />

life our soul will be the more easily purified of its stains <strong>and</strong> made fit to dwell<br />

for ever with the divine essence from which it came. Upon death we all undergo<br />

purification — only a few can be purified sufficiently to stay in Elysium, while<br />

the rest must be reborn for a new life on earth. But the gates of Elysium are<br />

open wide (6.660—4), not only for those who died for their country, or were<br />

priests <strong>and</strong> poets, or enriched life by their discoveries, but also for those who<br />

1<br />

See Bailey (1935) 275ft".<br />

361<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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