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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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SCHOLARS<br />

works as Varro's Res rusticae — is evident. It may be that Athenaeus'<br />

account of an imaginary conversation of scholars at a banquet — the Deipnosophists<br />

— also contributed to Macrobius' inspiration. The participants in<br />

the discussion include, besides the three hosts, the senators Caecina Albinus,<br />

Furius Albinus, the grammarian Servius, a young man called Avienus,<br />

a Greek rhetorician named Eusebius, a philosopher Eustathius, a doctor<br />

Disarms, <strong>and</strong> an 'uninvited guest' Evangelus. The conversation ranges over<br />

a variety of topics, from the terms for various times of day to the history<br />

of the toga praetexta, from Saturn <strong>and</strong> Janus to the care shown by the gods for<br />

slaves, from jokes to pontifical law. But the central theme, which occupies<br />

most of Books 3 to 6, is the poet Virgil. His comm<strong>and</strong> of rhetoric, his knowledge<br />

of philosophy <strong>and</strong> astrology, his dependence on Greek sources, his knowledge<br />

of Roman religious law <strong>and</strong> augural practice, his language <strong>and</strong> metre are all<br />

discussed discursively, <strong>and</strong> interpretations are offered — by Servius — of a<br />

number of obscure passages. It is clear that for Macrobius as for Dante Virgil<br />

is 'quel Savio gentil, che tutto seppe' (Inf. 7.3). The existence of Christianity<br />

is completely ignored. The learning displayed by Macrobius is stupendous,<br />

if often trifling, <strong>and</strong> it is backed up by the names of an impressive list of<br />

authorities. But Macrobius takes care not to quote the immediate sources<br />

from which he gained his information, the principal of which are Aulus<br />

Gellius, various commentators on Virgil, <strong>and</strong> Plutarch's Quaestiones convivales<br />

in a fuller form than that which we now possess. He did, however, consult<br />

other sources from time to time, many of which cannot readily be<br />

identified. As in his Commentary, so too in his Saturnalia he tends to quote<br />

his material nearly verbatim. Only the narrative <strong>and</strong> dramatic framework is<br />

really his own.<br />

Macrobius observes that several of the participants were too young to have<br />

been present at such a gathering on the dramatic date of December 384 (1.1.5).<br />

Recent research has identified the anachronistic participants as Servius <strong>and</strong><br />

Avienus — who is probably to be identified with the fabulist Avianus or Avienus<br />

(p. 718). These <strong>and</strong> other considerations — such as the posthumous rehabilitation<br />

of Nicomachus Flavianus in 430 from the disgrace of espousing the cause<br />

of the usurper Eugenius — have led recently to the suggestion of a new date<br />

for the composition of the Saturnalia, which used to be dated at the beginning<br />

of the fifth century. It now seems likely to have been written shortly after 430.<br />

This means that it is not a picture of cultivated pagan senatorial society by a<br />

man who knew it from personal observation. It is rather a sentimental reevocation<br />

of a lost world which was rapidly becoming idealized. In the harsh<br />

environment of 430, when Rome had been sacked by Alaric, when barbarian<br />

invasions were tearing whole provinces out of the fabric of the empire, there<br />

were still men who liked to look back on the civilized elegance of life in la<br />

763<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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