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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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HISTORY<br />

Not all Republican or early Imperial historians had been senators, of course.<br />

Some were probably clients of great senatorial houses, like Claudius Quadrigarius<br />

or Valerius Antias. Others were independent men of letters, pursuing<br />

no public career <strong>and</strong> owing allegiance to no patron. The greatest of these was<br />

Livy. Livy wrote at a time when men were sharply conscious of change. A<br />

historical epoch was coming to an end within his own lifetime. As his later<br />

books have perished we scarcely know with what thoughts <strong>and</strong> feelings he<br />

greeted the end of the Republic <strong>and</strong> the institution of autocratic rule — however<br />

much tempered by formal concessions to the authority of the Senate. But we<br />

can hardly suppose that the sense of radical change was absent from his mind<br />

as he wrote his rich, slow-moving nostalgic panorama of the history of the<br />

Roman people from Romulus to Augustus. That sense of change, of movement<br />

from one epoch to another, was no longer present in Roman society after the<br />

Julio-Claudians. However much things did in fact change, the changes were<br />

slow <strong>and</strong> almost imperceptible. They did not awaken in men's minds a sense of<br />

crisis <strong>and</strong> a need to re-examine the whole of their historic past. So Livy had no<br />

successors, only epitomators.<br />

In the Greek world Clio was not silent. There the writing of history had<br />

different roots, going back to Polybius, Isocrates, Thucydides. Some of it was<br />

merely belles-lettres, designed to give pleasure or to move the emotions harmlessly.<br />

Much was concerned with underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> edification. Much of it,<br />

such as the history of Polybius, had a political side to it — Polybius strove for<br />

pragmatic underst<strong>and</strong>ing of what had made Roman power, at a particular<br />

conjuncture in the history of the Mediterranean world, irresistible; what he<br />

was not concerned with, overtly at any rate, was the justification of his own<br />

conduct or that of a faction to which he belonged. This was a stance very<br />

different, <strong>and</strong> much more 'intellectual' than that of the Roman senatorial<br />

historian. So Greek historiography was less dependent on the survival of a<br />

particular political <strong>and</strong> social structure than was that of the Roman world.<br />

In fact all the many str<strong>and</strong>s of the rich Greek historical tradition continued to<br />

run through the 230 years after Tacitus, <strong>and</strong> there was a continuous <strong>and</strong> varied<br />

succession of historians writing in Greek on a variety of topics throughout the<br />

period.<br />

In the second century Arrian of Nicomedia wrote not only a history of<br />

Alex<strong>and</strong>er based on reliable contemporary sources, but also a whole series of<br />

local or provincial histories — Bithynica, Parthica etc. — <strong>and</strong> a history of the<br />

Greek world under the successors of Alex<strong>and</strong>er; none of these last has survived.<br />

His contemporary Appian of Alex<strong>and</strong>ria wrote twenty-four books of Roman<br />

history. Lucian's satirical How to write history reveals a dozen or more historians<br />

writing in a variety of styles — largely archaizing — on the Parthian war<br />

of Lucius Verus. In the first half of the third century Cassius Dio Cocceianus<br />

733<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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