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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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BOOKS AND READERS IN THE ROMAN "WORLD<br />

notorious; 1 probably the Sosii <strong>and</strong> a h<strong>and</strong>ful of other librarii had a reputation<br />

to lose. For a -wealthy amateur like Pliny, with a good conceit of himself, these<br />

inducements -were probably sufficient in themselves. However, the number <strong>and</strong><br />

tone of the references to booksellers in Pliny's letters <strong>and</strong> Martial's epigrams<br />

also suggest that by the end of the first century A.D. the book trade in Rome had<br />

developed to the point where it was normal for new books to be made available<br />

through trade channels, as had certainly not been the case in the days of Cicero<br />

<strong>and</strong> earlier. 2<br />

The size of editions 3 <strong>and</strong> the arrangements for distribution are also subjects<br />

for speculation. In Cicero's day, before the growth of the book trade, the<br />

' edition * of a book was the h<strong>and</strong>ful of copies that passed from the author <strong>and</strong><br />

his coadjutors, if he had any, into the h<strong>and</strong>s of his friends. 4 Even in the time of<br />

Martial <strong>and</strong> Pliny there was no need for the bookseller to keep a large stock of<br />

most books on h<strong>and</strong>. Access to an exemplar was all that was needed; a short<br />

libellus, such as a book of Martial or Statius' Silvae, could if necessary be copied<br />

while the customer waited, <strong>and</strong> no doubt sometimes was (cf. Mart. 2.8.3—4).<br />

For distribution in the provinces (a subject about which nothing is known) a<br />

single exemplar for each centre of distribution was all that was needed, to serve<br />

as source for the copies to be sold. But the dem<strong>and</strong> for books through trade<br />

channels must have been quite haphazard <strong>and</strong> unpredictable; it would have<br />

been absurd to lock up capital in the shape of ready-written books. 5 It is<br />

therefore not surprising to find that such information as exists about prices<br />

is both scanty <strong>and</strong> conflicting. 6 It must have been entirely a matter of<br />

supply <strong>and</strong> dem<strong>and</strong>. The inflated prices quoted by Gellius for antiquarian<br />

books need not detain us; the subject belongs to the history of forgery <strong>and</strong><br />

bibliomania. 7<br />

1 Cic. Q.Fr. 3.5.6; Strabo (writing probably under Augustus) i j.i.f4jtn.; Mart. 2.8.3—4. Trustworthy<br />

copyists were clearly not easy to find: Cic. Q.Fr. 3.4.5.<br />

* Sherwin-White (1966) 91: 'Pliny indicates. . .that the distribution of his books was entirely in<br />

the h<strong>and</strong>s of the bibliopolae.' It probably was; but his text does not actually prove the fact.<br />

3 What Birt (1882) 351—2 has to say on the subject is guesswork pure <strong>and</strong> simple. The case of<br />

Rufus' life of his son (Plin. Epist. 4.7.2) throws no light on normal practice.<br />

* Cf. Sommer (1926) 412-14.<br />

5 That booksellers held stocks which sometimes had to be 'wasted' may be suggested by references<br />

to the use of discarded books as wrapping paper (e.g. Cat. 95.8, Hor. Epist. 2.1.269—70, al.~); but it is<br />

hazardous to press the significance of what was clearly a literary topos.<br />

6 Mart. 13.3: a copy of the Xenia (Book 13) for 2 or 4 sesterces; 1.117.15-17: a finely produced<br />

copy of Book 1 for 5 denarii. In Martial's time a denarius was the price of a day's labour. Statius,<br />

Silv. 4.9.9, 21: a book of the Silvae (?) for a decussis (10 asses = a denarius, old value), contrasted<br />

with Brutus* orations for an as; but the context warns us against taking all this literally. On the tariff<br />

for copyists laid down in Diocletian's Edict see Birt (1882) 208—9.<br />

7 Zetzel (1972) 239-43.<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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