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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY<br />

his view of the first century A.D. generally. To underst<strong>and</strong> Tacitus we must<br />

pay special attention to the Agricola. Later he effectively conceals what he<br />

would not have us know. Here his protective mask is still uncemented.<br />

For the speeches at 30-4 Tacitus is much beholden to Sallust <strong>and</strong> Livy, for<br />

his powerful <strong>and</strong> moving conclusion to Cicero. As yet he had not formed his<br />

historical style, controlled, incisive, only intentionally ambiguous. In the<br />

Agricola we find infelicities <strong>and</strong> obscurities, not all imputable to textual corruption,<br />

<strong>and</strong> some padding. One may contrast the Dialogus. Here an appropriate<br />

style was already available <strong>and</strong> Tacitus employed it with complete mastery.<br />

For the Agricola no such guidance offered itself, <strong>and</strong> in style, as in structure,<br />

this first essay is imperfect.<br />

The Germarua has been subjected to microscopic study, <strong>and</strong>, where content<br />

is concerned, survived the test tolerably well. Independent evidence tends to<br />

confirm the information which Tacitus provides. He probably obtained it<br />

from Book 104 of Livy, Pliny's lost Bella Germaniae, <strong>and</strong> (through them or<br />

directly) certain Greek authorities, but seems to use considerable judgement<br />

in selection. He may call on first-h<strong>and</strong> experience, his own or others', to<br />

supplement <strong>and</strong> control his sources.<br />

In 1—27 Tacitus deals with country <strong>and</strong> people generally, in 28—46 with the<br />

individual tribes. The title De origine et situ Germanorum, 'On the origins<br />

<strong>and</strong> homel<strong>and</strong> of the Germans', is well attested <strong>and</strong> probably genuine, but he is<br />

just as interested in their character <strong>and</strong> way of life, mores <strong>and</strong> instituta (27.2).<br />

No model for his work survives, unless we consider Herodotus as such, but<br />

Livy's approach in Book 104 may have been similar, as may Seneca's in his<br />

lost writings on Egypt <strong>and</strong> India. Tacitus may also have been influenced by<br />

Sallust's excursus on the Black Sea in Histories 3, <strong>and</strong> by geographical digressions<br />

in other historians. This affiliation to history helps to explain why the<br />

Germarua is not purely descriptive, but full of comment <strong>and</strong> evaluation.<br />

Tacitus wants to explain an alien people in terms which Romans can readily<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>. He shows that the Germans retain virtues which Rome once<br />

possessed, but does not idealize them or hide their weaknesses. There is no<br />

sustained contrast here, no consistent sermonizing. But Tacitus saw, as Seneca<br />

had seen (ZPe ira 1.11.4), that the Germans posed a real, perhaps imminent,<br />

threat to the empire, <strong>and</strong> plainly indicates as much (33.2 <strong>and</strong> 37.3—5). Insofar<br />

as it embodies this message, the Germarua is a 'tract for the times', though<br />

not intended to prompt or justify a specific policy. It is best described as an<br />

ethnographical treatise written from a historical viewpoint.<br />

Stylistically this is Tacitus' least happy work. A starkly scientific approach<br />

was for such a writer inconceivable, but simple subject matter deserved simple<br />

treatment. Instead we find an excess of crude rhetoric <strong>and</strong> verbal dexterity.<br />

By repeated self-obtrusion Tacitus gives the unpleasant impression of seeking to<br />

644<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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