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Kenney_and_Clausen B.M.W.(eds.) - Get a Free Blog

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HISTORY<br />

nature of the crisis was remained vague. The quantifying methods of the<br />

economic or social historian were not available to Ammianus, or to any other<br />

historian of antiquity. Their approach was a moral one. The decadence <strong>and</strong><br />

corruption of individuals <strong>and</strong> institutions was for them a sufficient explanation.<br />

Ammianus could not conceive of the fall of the Roman empire. But he was<br />

agonizingly aware of its decline, <strong>and</strong> this is the gr<strong>and</strong> theme of his history.<br />

His hero is Julian, whom he must have known personally. Julian's reign is<br />

recounted in detail in Books 16—25, hi s wisdom <strong>and</strong> the soundness of his policy<br />

are emphasized — though not without reserve - <strong>and</strong> the long obituary notice of<br />

him (2J.4) makes it clear that for Ammianus his qualities far outshone those of<br />

any other ruler of his age — uir heroicis paene connumer<strong>and</strong>us ingeniis, 'a man to be<br />

numbered almost among the characters of legend'. Those passages were written<br />

a quarter of a century after Julian's death, the fruit of long study <strong>and</strong> reflection.<br />

Even in his old age Ammianus was haunted by the thought that had Julian lived,<br />

the squalor <strong>and</strong> disaster of succeeding years might have been avoided. In this<br />

sense there is a tragic colouring to Ammianus' view of Roman history. It was a<br />

tragedy of lost opportunity<br />

Discussion of Ammianus' sources was a favourite occupation of nineteenthcentury<br />

scholars. Today the matter can be dealt with briefly. There was no<br />

continuous narrative source on any scale available to Ammianus for the period<br />

covered by the surviving books. He made extensive use of documents - diplomatic<br />

<strong>and</strong> official correspondence, laws <strong>and</strong> edicts, speeches of emperors, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

like — to which his position must have given him easy access. Such sources he<br />

evidently sought out in public archives. He read Aurelius Victor, <strong>and</strong> probably<br />

Eutropius, <strong>and</strong> he may well have had other compendia at his disposal. But apart<br />

from documents his main sources were his own observation <strong>and</strong> the critical<br />

examination of •witnesses — ea quae uidere licuit per aetatem, uel perplexe interrog<strong>and</strong>o<br />

uersatos in medio scire ' what I could see myself because of my age, or<br />

what I could learn by careful interrogation of "participants" ' (15.1.1). This is<br />

the method of Thucydides rather than that of Tacitus. That Ammianus can<br />

sometimes be shown to have got things wrong is no argument against the<br />

validity of his method.<br />

Ammianus' native language was Greek. He probably learned Latin in his native<br />

Antioch — Libanius inveighs against the growing interest in the language of<br />

court, army <strong>and</strong> law — <strong>and</strong> he certainly used it daily throughout his army<br />

service. In his retirement, if not before, he read much classical Latin literature.<br />

His Latin has a Greek tinge to it, particularly in the frequency of participial<br />

phrases, <strong>and</strong> perhaps also in his sometimes odd word-order. But it is not, as<br />

some scholars used to suggest, a kind of translationese. He combines the freedom<br />

to form new words <strong>and</strong> the verbose style of official Latin of his own day with an<br />

eagerness to stud his text with archaic <strong>and</strong> poetic words <strong>and</strong> classical flosculi, in<br />

748<br />

Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008

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