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usiness characteristics (3.1). It continued looking at quality with regards to wage, hours<br />

worked and reliability of jobs created (3.2).<br />

Business characteristics<br />

The recent study by Ross et al. (2015) partly applied Bosma’s et al. (2008) methodology and<br />

explained variation in small growing firms across Scottish regions by supply, demand,<br />

culture, policy and agglomeration benefits. Those factors influencing entrepreneurs were<br />

reasonable and consistent with previous theories (Krugman, 1990; Rittenberg & Tregarthen,<br />

2009) and empirical findings. To name a few, the distribution of entrepreneurial activity<br />

across geographic space was investigated in connection with variations in spatial<br />

characteristics, such as knowledge (Obschonka et al., 2015). Those variations were partly<br />

explained by differences in regions. For example, Stuetzer et al. (2015) revealed that British<br />

regions with large industries, such as textile mile in Manchester, in the 19th century, had<br />

lower entrepreneurship rates and weaker entrepreneurship culture today. Those findings<br />

suggested that by concentrating on one area and investigating policies (see Deas, 2013), it<br />

might be possible to highlight the influence of business characteristics on small firms’ ability<br />

to create new jobs.<br />

One of the most popular methodology employed with microdata was Gibrat’s Law of<br />

Proportionate Effect (Gibrat, 1931) claiming that firm size and growth should be<br />

independent, which was partly supported even by recent studies (Lotti et al., 2009).<br />

However, many European (Hart & Oulton, 1996; Konings, 1995) studies concluded that<br />

Gilbrat’s Law was not necessarily valid. The more sophisticated method was introduced by<br />

Davis and Haltiwanger (1992). This method relied on descriptive analysis and included<br />

growth and death rates to show that new firms created more dynamic jobs than older ones.<br />

It was followed by such studies as Baldwin and Picot (1995). Although more advanced<br />

techniques were employed, further studies (J de Kok et al., 2011; Neumark, Wall, & Junfu,<br />

2011) had very similar conclusions. This may be explained by Jovanovic’s (1982) passive<br />

learning model, which claimed that entrepreneurs learned most when they entered the<br />

market. Contrary, Anyadike-Danes et al. (2015) maintained that neither the initial size<br />

distribution nor survival rates explained job growth. The only explanation they found was a<br />

small number of rapidly growing micro firms.<br />

Anyadike-Danes et al. (2015) empirical findings were based on Birch’s (1979, 8) pioneering<br />

idea that ‘small firms generated 66% of all new jobs generated in the U.S.’ Although Birch’s<br />

theories (1987) were criticized by studies such as Dennis and Phillips (1994), small firms<br />

were recognised as the main creators of jobs (A. Coad et al., 2014; Cowling et al., 2015; Du<br />

& Temouri, 2015). Recently, Anyadike-Danes et al. (2009, 4) estimated the contribution to<br />

job creation in the UK economy. This revealed that ‘11,530 high growth firms were<br />

responsible for 1.3 million out of the increase in 2.4 million new jobs in established<br />

businesses employing ten or more people between 2005 and 2008’. Later, those numbers<br />

were slightly lowered by taking longer time span (Anyadike-Danes et al., 2015).<br />

Furthermore, Butcher and Bursnall (2013) showed that job creation was evenly spread<br />

across different size bands, which slightly contradicted with Anyadike-Danes et al. (2015)<br />

results and should be further tested. Those studies provided useful understanding about<br />

national HGF populations. However, as Anyadike-Danes et al. (2015:22) acknowledged,<br />

those firms ‘require further analysis … to understand the process of small business growth.’<br />

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