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A separate investment bank, without undue guarantees, forced to raise capital on a market<br />

basis, can close some of market position, which now turn out to be ineffective. At the same<br />

time, commercial bank can expand its lending, which due to fairer competition may prove to be<br />

more profitable. In no case, however, the bankruptcy of the bank shall not constitute such a<br />

large and unpredictable threat, as it was before.<br />

Regulatory response<br />

In the aftermath of the crisis of 2008, the world is still fighting with contradictions between new<br />

trends and innovations at global financial systems on the one side, and institutional<br />

arrangements and regulations, creating conflicts in policy objectives and ineffective in<br />

supporting financial stability. Europe established economic union of countries with very<br />

different structures that are subject to asymmetric real shocks. The inconsistencies of the<br />

monetary union have resulted in a sovereign debt crisis which is interacting with banks through<br />

market prices volatility in a most dangerous manner. Banks under Basel II had been allowed too<br />

much leverage [Blundell-Wignall 2011]. In USA, after the outbreak of the crisis, the minor<br />

reflection came, whether Glass–Steagall (repealed by Gramm–Leach–Bliley Act 1999), as<br />

originally intended, would have prevented these issues. Works of established commissions and<br />

groups provided numerous recommendations and guidelines that could be used for<br />

preparation of new, better and more adequate regulations. The Volcker Rule has been adopted<br />

in Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, at least partially restoring the<br />

soul of Glass-Steagall. In the Europe the first efforts after crisis outbreak has been focused on<br />

renovation of Basel capital adequacy rules. In Basel III, bank-level regulations, aimed at raising<br />

the resilience of individual banking institutions to periods of stress, has been accompanied with<br />

macroprudential approach, regarding system wide risks that can spread across the banking<br />

sector as well as the procyclical amplification of these risks over time. As the financial crisis<br />

evolved and turned into debt crisis in 2010, it became clear that, for those countries which<br />

shared a currency and were even more interdependent, more had to be done. Eventually, in<br />

June 2012, Heads of State and Government agreed to create a Banking Union, completing the<br />

economic and monetary union, and starting centralized application of EU-wide rules for banks<br />

in the euro zone. New mechanism comprises of three main pillars: (i) ECB as a common<br />

supervisory authority of the euro area, (ii) common resolution fund & mechanisms for failing<br />

banks, (iii) common deposit-insurance scheme to prevent bank runs.<br />

These and other regulatory efforts seem to be moving in the right direction. They all go towards<br />

key goals: reduce the probability of bank failure, reduce the likelihood of government<br />

intervention and reduce the cost of government intervention. Good work has been done in<br />

adopting measures in the domains of capital, liquidity and resolution of banks in order to<br />

increase the resilience of the banking sector, within the financial system. Unfortunately still is<br />

unknown, whether the undertaken measures will be capable to achieve the goals. Specially,<br />

that the banks themselves are reluctant to give up the privileges of deregulation. They can limit<br />

the scope or even suppress changes through powerful lobbying. It seems idea of separation is<br />

one of particularly unwanted [Szpringer, 2013]. Promoting in exchange increasingly<br />

sophisticated and complex system of prudential regulations, only apparently leads to a safer<br />

financial system. In reality, however, it may be another trap, allowing the use of information<br />

asymmetry, regulatory anarchy and consequently arbitration.<br />

302

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