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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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70 Salvatore Schiavo-Campo<br />

BOX 2.3 Malawi: The Patronage Risks of Road Funds<br />

Malawi’s road fund was created in 1997 under the National Road Authority<br />

(NRA) Act as an integral part of the NRA itself. Initially, following the establishment<br />

of the fund, the management <strong>and</strong> financing of Malawi’s paved road<br />

network improved. It was not long, however, before the flaws in the institutional<br />

setup of the NRA became apparent. Whereas at first the governing<br />

board was selected on the basis of technical competence, in the early 2000s<br />

many of the members were chosen on the basis of political influence, de facto<br />

eliminating the board’s formal independence.<br />

In particular, the board chairman appeared to come under the control of<br />

the chief executive, who paid him “board sitting” allowances for every day of<br />

the month. Critical decisions were made by the chief executive, board chairman,<br />

<strong>and</strong> roads minister without the participation of the other board members <strong>and</strong><br />

with their concerns not being heard or being largely sidelined. Private sector<br />

participation <strong>and</strong> consultation with civil society were perfunctory when they<br />

took place at all.<br />

Thus, although on the surface the Malawi road fund that was created in<br />

1997 appears to be an illustration of a second-generation road fund, in reality it<br />

operated with much the same h<strong>and</strong>icaps of politicization <strong>and</strong> patronage as did<br />

the old road funds of the 1970s <strong>and</strong> 1980s, with equally disappointing results.<br />

It is hoped that the situation will change following the election of a new<br />

president, who has already replaced many top officials in various sectors.<br />

Additional legislation may be needed to insulate the road fund board from<br />

undue political interference <strong>and</strong> to m<strong>and</strong>ate more systematic participation in<br />

<strong>and</strong> transparency of decision making.<br />

Source: Adapted <strong>and</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ed from Andreski 2005.<br />

A specific tax or fee for a broad end use, such as lottery proceeds that<br />

finance investments<br />

A general tax earmarked for a specific end use, such as a fixed-percentage<br />

revenue devoted to specific programs.<br />

In most cases, arrangements that earmark a share of total revenues from<br />

general taxes are questionable (issues of social security are reviewed later).<br />

Concerning other specific taxes <strong>and</strong> fees, a distinction is generally made<br />

between (a) strong earmarking, in which the link between the payment of a<br />

user charge <strong>and</strong> the associated expenditure is close (for example, fees for<br />

attending courses of a university), <strong>and</strong> (b) weak earmarking, in which the link<br />

between the benefit <strong>and</strong> the fees or the taxes is less clear (for example, the use<br />

of lottery proceeds for investments) (see Hemming <strong>and</strong> Mir<strong>and</strong>a 1991).

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