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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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116 Alta Fölscher<br />

them in a better position to penalize with confidence when spending agencies<br />

inflate bids.<br />

In developing countries, relegating budgeting for the bulk of spending<br />

to incremental increases <strong>and</strong> reductions is also related to the presence of<br />

resources from external development partners. Typically, a lot of attention<br />

would be paid to the detail of relatively small items of expenditure, often<br />

connected to development partners that bring in external resources, while<br />

large expenditure issues remain unexamined. In practice, priority setting in<br />

developing countries can be determined by the availability of donor funds,<br />

rather than by overarching domestic priorities.<br />

Typically, in developing countries, the budget is never examined comprehensively<br />

but is made <strong>and</strong> approved in fragments. A significant form of<br />

fragmentation is found in many developing countries, where public investment<br />

or project-type spending <strong>and</strong> spending on routine government activities<br />

are budgeted for separately in the investment (or development or<br />

capital) <strong>and</strong> operational (or recurrent) budget, respectively. Although there<br />

is some logic behind such a division—for one thing, it means that the risk<br />

of one-off project funding becoming a permanent part of the base is<br />

reduced—over time the criteria for funding activities under the development<br />

budget or recurrent budget become blurred. The development budget<br />

in many countries now includes both investment <strong>and</strong> operational funding;<br />

the determining factor is not the type of spending, but rather the source of<br />

funds. Earmarked donor funding is reflected in the development budget,<br />

together with counterpart domestic funding <strong>and</strong> domestically funded<br />

investment projects. Thus, agencies rarely budget comprehensively against<br />

priorities for all available resources, <strong>and</strong> finance ministries are even less likely<br />

to be able to consider spending bids systematically <strong>and</strong> rationally against<br />

available resources.<br />

Research by Tohamy, Dezhbakhsh, <strong>and</strong> Aranson (2006) shows that<br />

higher inflation rates cause budgeting to be more incremental. In contrast,<br />

higher future discount rates <strong>and</strong> persistent high deficits cause departures<br />

from incremental budgeting. Of course, incrementalism is also an organizational<br />

strategy by budget holders: if the base of spending is taken for granted<br />

<strong>and</strong> new money is simply added, the result is a growing budget.<br />

Since the 1970s, the cost of budgeting by an incremental line-item<br />

approach has become clear. In industrial countries, the upward bias it caused<br />

in spending, together with the underlying growth in government that it<br />

fostered, resulted in unsustainably high deficits when macroeconomic conditions<br />

became tight after the oil crises. In developing countries, the scarcity<br />

of resources against high development needs puts in sharp profile the need

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