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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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470 Alta Fölscher<br />

Allocating Scarce Resources Strategically<br />

A second key objective of introducing an MTEF was to ensure that public<br />

resources were used effectively <strong>and</strong> efficiently to support high growth of<br />

income <strong>and</strong> employment. The aim was to reduce the share of public expenditure<br />

in GDP so that the government’s activities would be focused on a<br />

much narrower range of activities: protecting essential social services <strong>and</strong><br />

providing essential infrastructure to support economic growth (Republic of<br />

Kenya 2005).<br />

At the time the MTEF was introduced, improving allocative efficiency<br />

in Kenya had been long thwarted by a persistent disconnect between the<br />

different instruments used for planning <strong>and</strong> budgeting purposes. In fact,<br />

planning <strong>and</strong> budgeting processes were fragmented in several ways. The<br />

previous section highlights the separation of macrofiscal <strong>and</strong> allocative<br />

budget processes <strong>and</strong> details efforts under the new MTEF-budget process to<br />

remedy the situation.<br />

In addition, Kenyan long-term planning—embodied in the five-year<br />

development plans—was disconnected from shorter-term planning <strong>and</strong><br />

budgeting. This problem occurred largely because the long-term plans were<br />

not always constrained by a realistic assessment of available resources.<br />

Hence, the plans were allowed to propose policies <strong>and</strong> targets that would<br />

turn out to be unaffordable. In contrast, budgeting processes were far more<br />

focused on controlling inputs than on achieving objectives <strong>and</strong> targets<br />

against priority policies. New policies were introduced to government<br />

outside the budget process, often without an assessment of their budget<br />

implications or opportunity costs, <strong>and</strong> the budget process itself provided<br />

neither tools nor incentives for spending agencies to discontinue existing<br />

lower-priority spending in favor of new higher-priority policies (Byaruhanga<br />

2004: 15–16).<br />

The institutional separation of planning <strong>and</strong> budgeting at both the<br />

central <strong>and</strong> ministerial levels underlay the disconnect between planning <strong>and</strong><br />

budgeting. At the central level, planning <strong>and</strong> budgeting functions were<br />

separately allocated to a Ministry of Planning <strong>and</strong> a Ministry of Finance: the<br />

former was responsible for long-term plans <strong>and</strong> worked with central<br />

planning units in ministries, <strong>and</strong> the latter was responsible for budgets <strong>and</strong><br />

provided guidelines to finance <strong>and</strong> budget officers in ministries. The structure<br />

of the two ministries as separate or joined has changed over time. Even<br />

when they were joined, however, their integration was not necessarily the<br />

result of a thorough consideration of functions; instead, the two structures<br />

were combined, but the overlaps <strong>and</strong> gaps remained. Within ministries,

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