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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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What Would an Ideal <strong>Public</strong> Finance Management System Look Like? 371<br />

There are relational dimensions of the PFM system that should be noted<br />

<strong>and</strong> that introduce (necessarily) even more complexity into the discussion<br />

of developing a PFM code. These dimensions relate to the fact that PFM<br />

issues can be raised in regard to central entities in national governments<br />

(such as ministries of finance, treasuries, <strong>and</strong> supreme audit institutions), as<br />

well as in implementing agencies in national governments (ministries,<br />

departments, <strong>and</strong> agencies) <strong>and</strong> even in noncommercial organizations<br />

(quasi-governmental organizations, state-owned enterprises, <strong>and</strong> so forth)<br />

<strong>and</strong> civil society <strong>and</strong> multinational organizations that work in the PFM area<br />

to assist in budgetary planning, monitoring, <strong>and</strong> so on. PFM issues also<br />

matter in deconcentrated <strong>and</strong> decentralized governments, including<br />

regional <strong>and</strong> local governments (where PFM processes exist in parallel in<br />

different levels of government). This role-player multiplicity is shown in<br />

stylized form in figure 11.3, where the relational complexities across <strong>and</strong><br />

within the system are apparent.<br />

Figure 11.3 shows that PFM processes all involve role players from<br />

different domains <strong>and</strong> cut across different levels of government. Unfortunately,<br />

this role-player multiplicity is not typically acknowledged in PFM<br />

assessments, models, or reforms. These products are systematically biased to<br />

work in the core PFM entities such as the ministry of finance, supreme audit<br />

institution, or parliament. These entities create <strong>and</strong> administer the rules of<br />

the PFM system <strong>and</strong> thus attract significant attention. However, they are not<br />

the ones that actually spend money (spending entities such as line ministries)<br />

nor the ones that contribute the funds to be spent <strong>and</strong> that ultimately receive<br />

services (civil society, which pays taxes <strong>and</strong> fees <strong>and</strong> sits at the receiving end of<br />

the process by which institutions of basic governance <strong>and</strong> service provision<br />

are funded).<br />

The PEFA measures are also biased toward analyzing processes relevant<br />

to the activities of core PFM entities <strong>and</strong> processes at the center of government.<br />

Some of the indicators reflect coverage across noncore spending<br />

entities (for example, the planning indicator shown in table 11.1), but<br />

these indicators are presented from a defined ministry of finance perspective<br />

(rather than a managerial perspective relevant to spending ministries). 13<br />

Failing to acknowledge the fact that the population of PFM role players<br />

extends beyond core agencies leads to specific weaknesses in the PEFA<br />

framework. For example, the indicators ask whether the government completes<br />

its accounts <strong>and</strong> reports on the basis of international st<strong>and</strong>ards. 14<br />

Many treasuries score highly on this indicator because they produce<br />

reports that suggest compliance with international accounting <strong>and</strong> reporting<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ards. But the accounting <strong>and</strong> reporting in line ministries in many<br />

governments are way below international st<strong>and</strong>ards. An approach is

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