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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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<strong>Budgeting</strong> in Postconflict Countries 439<br />

investments. In turn, the issue of implementation capacity cannot be<br />

intelligently debated without explicit consideration of the quality of<br />

governance. In the absence of strong public accountability, government<br />

decision makers can channel public resources <strong>and</strong> aid to projects that<br />

maximize their private gain. These projects, in fact, do tend to be the large<br />

projects that often cluster around the middle of an input-output matrix. The<br />

objective of good project implementation for development then becomes<br />

wholly secondary to the exploitation of the rent-producing potential of the<br />

project. As a former minister of planning of an African country—now<br />

“under new management”—once frankly told the author: “We don’t care<br />

about the quality of implementation or the future recurrent costs; for us, the<br />

project has served its purpose when all the contracts have been privately<br />

negotiated.” This attitude is one more reason that rebuilding stable <strong>and</strong><br />

accountable governance is next only to restoring security as the primary<br />

challenge in postconflict countries.<br />

The Need for Investment Programming<br />

Connecting the previously mentioned conceptual perspective to the budget<br />

process helps explain why the need for programming public investment is,<br />

if anything, even stronger in postconflict settings than in stable developing<br />

countries. Without integrity <strong>and</strong> realism in investment programming, the<br />

difference between balanced- <strong>and</strong> unbalanced-growth strategies reduces to<br />

the distinction between facilitating a lot of corruption within a brief period<br />

of time or allowing the same amount of corruption spread out over a period<br />

of years. Thus, particularly in the fluid postconflict situations, public investment<br />

programming is needed not only on grounds of fiscal responsibility or<br />

efficiency, but even more as a way to shed light on the investment decisions<br />

of the postconflict government. In the absence of robust procedures for<br />

investment choices,“strategic” projects risk becoming those with the largest<br />

rent-seeking potential.<br />

Naturally, as discussed in chapter 8, the need is for an affordable <strong>and</strong><br />

rigorous programming process, not the wish list public investment “programs”<br />

all too common in Africa <strong>and</strong> elsewhere in the 1980s. Also, given the<br />

data <strong>and</strong> capacity limitations typical of postconflict situations, the investment<br />

program should be as simple, selective, <strong>and</strong> realistic as possible.<br />

Indeed, investment programming in postconflict countries can be robust<br />

<strong>and</strong> effective only if it is focused <strong>and</strong> simple. In answer to the question posed<br />

at the start of this section, in a postconflict setting, robust investment criteria<br />

<strong>and</strong> accountable governance give validity to the otherwise weak notion of

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