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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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272 Salvatore Schiavo-Campo<br />

government from operating or giving formal approval to a budget of which<br />

it knows virtually nothing. In some extreme cases, the legislature does not<br />

meet to consider the budget until after the commencement of the fiscal year<br />

<strong>and</strong> is thus asked to give retroactive approval to a budget that is already being<br />

implemented. Systematic delays in presenting the proposed budget to the<br />

legislature are a symptom of grave governance problems.<br />

Under special circumstances delays may be justified. The organic budget<br />

law (see chapter 2) should include provisions authorizing the executive to<br />

commit expenditures before the budget is approved, under explicit specified<br />

circumstances. These provisions should be based on the budget of the previous<br />

year, rather than on the new budget that has not yet been scrutinized.<br />

(An example is the continuing resolution used in the U.S. Congress, when<br />

the budget is not approved before the start of the fiscal year in October, to<br />

authorize the executive to commit each month up to one-twelfth of the<br />

appropriations of the previous year.) In all cases, in developing <strong>and</strong> industrial<br />

countries alike, care must be taken lest these special provisions be<br />

abused <strong>and</strong> become a systematic way to sidestep the normal budget process.<br />

Individual members of the legislature have different preferences regarding<br />

the manner in which resources are allocated <strong>and</strong> are subject to a variety of<br />

pressures from their constituents. The sum of these various preferences <strong>and</strong><br />

related claims can generate a systematic tendency to increase expenditure<br />

during budget debates (a phenomenon known as logrolling). Much worse is<br />

the practice of “pork,” whereby certain expenditures are introduced in the<br />

budget by influential members of the legislature at the last minute, without<br />

any scrutiny of their economic <strong>and</strong> social viability <strong>and</strong> even without the<br />

knowledge of members of the legislature who vote on the final package. (In<br />

the United States, this practice has grown dramatically since 2000, reaching<br />

more than 13,000 different projects in 2005, accounting for a total of more<br />

than US$60 billion.) 7 Accordingly, many countries have adopted procedural<br />

rules to regulate <strong>and</strong> limit such practices. These rules cover the sequence of<br />

voting on the budget <strong>and</strong> the legislature’s powers to amend the budget. In<br />

parliamentary systems with a clear majority of one party, the budget prepared<br />

by the executive is routinely approved by the legislature; in most parliamentary<br />

systems, legislative refusal to approve the budget is equivalent to a vote of no<br />

confidence <strong>and</strong> normally results in the resignation of the government.<br />

To enforce ex ante fiscal discipline, in several countries, such as France,<br />

the budget is voted in two phases: the overall amount of the budget is voted<br />

first, <strong>and</strong> appropriations <strong>and</strong> allocation of resources among ministries are<br />

voted only in the second phase. This procedure is aimed at protecting the<br />

overall fiscal target <strong>and</strong> the aggregate expenditure limit. The real effect of this

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