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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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430 Salvatore Schiavo-Campo<br />

<strong>and</strong> without support from the top political leadership, budget reforms<br />

have generally remained largely a paper exercise to satisfy donor dem<strong>and</strong>s.<br />

Pushing on a string is not an option. Thus, the sequencing <strong>and</strong> time period<br />

of the reform process should be very carefully considered to make sure that<br />

it will fit the absorptive capacity of the system over time <strong>and</strong> not cause reform<br />

fatigue. Moreover, just as ex post evaluation is necessary for good budgeting,<br />

periodic reassessments of the actual costs <strong>and</strong> benefits of specific budget<br />

reforms <strong>and</strong> midcourse adjustments are necessary for sustainable reform.<br />

This discussion leads to the advisability of occasional “digestion <strong>and</strong><br />

consolidation” periods to make sure that the people in the system have<br />

understood, internalized, <strong>and</strong> learned how to use those changes <strong>and</strong> to give<br />

them a temporary respite from further change <strong>and</strong> the concomitant uncertainty.<br />

Accordingly, it appears wise to call a reform timeout from time to<br />

time. Without in any way halting the reform momentum <strong>and</strong> progress<br />

already under way, such timeouts will permit adjusting the course or speed<br />

of specific reforms, giving a fresh look at the marginal opportunity cost<br />

(including the transaction cost on the public administrators) of exp<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

certain activities as opposed to others, <strong>and</strong> carrying out reality checks on the<br />

various claims of reform success or, conversely, on the alibis for nonperformance.<br />

Introducing budget reforms is not difficult. But merely introducing<br />

the reforms, of course, is not the goal. The goal is to help achieve permanent<br />

improvements in expenditure control, strategic resource allocation,<br />

operational effectiveness, <strong>and</strong> public financial integrity in Africa.<br />

Notes<br />

1. The World Bank’s (1989) public expenditure review for Madagascar (Madagascar:<br />

<strong>Public</strong> Expenditure, Adjustment, <strong>and</strong> Growth) was the first to include a major institutional<br />

component.<br />

2. Wagner’s Law states that the relative role of government in the economy tends to<br />

exp<strong>and</strong> along with economic growth. Convincing evidence indicates that the “law,”<br />

whatever its dynamics, has been operative through at least the latter part of the 20th<br />

century, as shown by the greater ratio of government expenditure to gross domestic<br />

product (or of government employment to population) in rich as compared with<br />

middle-income countries, <strong>and</strong> in the latter as compared with developing countries.<br />

From the late 1980s, Wagner’s Law seems to no longer be operative in industrial<br />

countries––with government expenditure (or employment) essentially steady or, in<br />

some cases, declining.<br />

3. The terminology originates with Stewart <strong>and</strong> Ranson (1988) <strong>and</strong> has been developed<br />

in Schiavo-Campo <strong>and</strong> McFerson (forthcoming).<br />

4. A recent International Monetary Fund study (Diamond <strong>and</strong> others 2006: 8) lists<br />

among the major weaknesses in governance that have caused problems in PEM in<br />

Africa the failure to “restrain politicians <strong>and</strong> senior bureaucrats from benefiting

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