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Public Sector Governance and Accountability Series: Budgeting and ...

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346 Stephen B. Peterson<br />

of the foundations of a financial system—the budget classification <strong>and</strong> the<br />

chart of accounts.<br />

Moreover, the senior official responsible for the reform faced a weak<br />

<strong>and</strong> fragmented Ministry of Finance that had to coordinate financial management<br />

with an equally weak <strong>and</strong> fragmented Ministry of Planning. As a<br />

political appointee, this senior official was unable to direct the work of the<br />

ministry’s middle managers (department heads), who were permanent civil<br />

servants <strong>and</strong> could ignore the directions of senior officials. Ethiopia<br />

demonstrates that even a high level of commitment by senior officials does<br />

not ensure effective reform, because the middle-level bureaucrats have to<br />

implement the reform. In this case, the middle managers were indifferent<br />

to the reform until the project could demonstrate its value to their particular<br />

work. Even when such benefits were demonstrated, some individuals<br />

still resisted change (Peterson 1998b).<br />

The power of the senior official responsible for the reform was highly<br />

circumscribed; his contributions to the reform included securing funding at<br />

critical phases of the project, accepting the recommendations of the chief<br />

technical assistance adviser, <strong>and</strong> closely monitoring the project’s progress.<br />

Fortunately, he did not divert project resources, nor did he micromanage the<br />

project. In this environment of indifference—<strong>and</strong> at times hostility—<br />

managing the overall reform of these financial components as well as their<br />

automation fell to the project.<br />

The donor-creditor community was another source of neglect. The<br />

initial design of the financial reform contractually separated the procedural<br />

reform from the automation reform. The DSA Project, which was responsible<br />

for the procedural development of the budget <strong>and</strong> accounts <strong>and</strong> disbursement<br />

systems, was eventually asked to automate those systems<br />

because of delays in procuring the separate automation project. Closely<br />

coordinating procedural <strong>and</strong> automation development within a project<br />

framework promoted a coherent reform driven by procedures. Because<br />

automation was not part of the contracted scope, the systems developed<br />

were rudimentary <strong>and</strong> very inexpensive. These systems have always been<br />

viewed as interim, awaiting the original automation procurement—the<br />

“final solution”—which is an OTS IFMIS. Ten years later, the procurement<br />

has still not been completed.<br />

The institutional environment presented in Ethiopia determined the<br />

DSA strategy of financial reform <strong>and</strong> its automation. Benign neglect on<br />

the part of the government <strong>and</strong> foreign aid agencies, coupled with the<br />

limited <strong>and</strong> at times even hostile government management, meant that<br />

the reform was driven by a project <strong>and</strong> not by government or foreign aid

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