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Migration, street democracy and expatriate voting rights 145<br />

Development recently adopted by the African Union. 13 Like the Protocol,<br />

the Common Position both embraces economic migration as a<br />

development strategy and restricts itself to the economic rights of Africa’s<br />

diasporic communities.<br />

The danger that <strong>this</strong> one-sided economic or development approach<br />

might pose to the well-being of migrant populations was sadly underlined<br />

by the wave of xenophobic violence that broke out in South Africa on<br />

11 May 2008. In two long weeks the violence escalated to such an extent<br />

that the military had to be deployed in residential areas to curb the civil<br />

unrest. By the time it was eventually brought under control, the violence<br />

had left more than 60 persons dead, 670 injured and 100 000 displaced.<br />

According to one study of the events, the outbreak of the xenophobic<br />

violence can be attributed to a breakdown of democratic governance and<br />

participatory politics at local government level. 14 As such, the violence<br />

underscores the urgent need to explore ways to legally and politically<br />

integrate migrants through an inclusive notion of post-national and, even<br />

more importantly, a post-nationalist notion of local democratic<br />

citizenship, or more specifically, street democratic denizenship.<br />

2 Formulating the basic question<br />

Any suggestion that a qualitative distinction can be drawn between<br />

resident citizenship and non-resident citizenship for the purpose of the<br />

allocation of voting rights, must from the outset deal with the fact that the<br />

Constitution does not itself distinguish between resident and non-resident<br />

citizens. It simply states that all citizens are ‘equally entitled to the rights,<br />

privileges and benefits of citizenship’. 15 These benefits include ‘the right to<br />

vote in elections for any legislative body established in terms of the<br />

Constitution’. 16 In <strong>this</strong> manner the Constitution gives comprehensive<br />

recognition to the founding constitutional value of ‘universal adult<br />

13 ‘African Common Position on Migration and Development’ adopted by the Executive<br />

Council at its 9th ordinary session, 25 - 29 June 2006, Banjul, The Gambia (EX CL/<br />

227 (IX)).<br />

14 JP Misago et al Towards tolerance, law and dignity: Addressing violence against foreign<br />

nationals in South Africa (2009) 52.<br />

15<br />

Sec 19(3) of the Constitution. Unequivocal as these provisions might be, they do not<br />

comprehensively define who citizens are. The Constitution explicitly leaves it to<br />

parliament to determine who are citizens and merely imposes a duty on parliament to<br />

adopt national legislation to ‘provide for the acquisition, loss and restoration of<br />

citizenship’ (sec 3(3)). See J Klaaren ‘Citizenship’ in Woolman et al Constitutional law of<br />

South Africa (2008) 60-1.<br />

16<br />

Sec 19(3) of the Constitution. Unequivocal as these provisions might be, they do not<br />

comprehensively define who citizens are. The Constitution explicitly leaves it to<br />

parliament to determine who are citizens and merely imposes a duty on parliament to<br />

adopt national legislation to ‘provide for the acquisition, loss and restoration of<br />

citizenship’ (sec 3(3)). See Klaaren (n 15 above) 60-1.

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