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Migration, street democracy and expatriate voting rights 157<br />

cases already served before the Court in the Richter case. Ngcobo J rejected<br />

<strong>this</strong> argument by carefully distinguishing the Richter case from the matter<br />

before him. He explained that the case before him dealt with the eligibility<br />

to register as a voter in South African law, while the Richter case dealt with<br />

the restrictions and burdens that could be placed on an already registered<br />

voter who wished to exercise his or her right to vote. 58 By drawing <strong>this</strong><br />

distinction between the right to register and the right to vote, Ngcobo J<br />

reveals that the Richter judgment rested on the principle that every<br />

registered voter must be given a reasonable opportunity to cast a vote in an<br />

election (which might mean the reasonable opportunity to cast a special<br />

vote overseas). Ngcobo J thus offers a third possible ground for the<br />

judgment in Richter. If we accept his interpretation, <strong>this</strong> would explain why<br />

O’Regan J never explicitly referred to ‘the class of registered voters who are<br />

ordinarily resident in the Republic’ but only spoke about the ‘class of<br />

registered voters’, 59 or more descriptively, about ‘any citizen who wishes<br />

to vote in the election [and] is a registered voter’ as the target of her<br />

concern. 60<br />

A rejection of the classification of registered voters into resident and<br />

non-resident citizens was thus implied in the Richter judgment from the<br />

start. If the class of all registered voters is taken as the frame of reference,<br />

as O’Regan J must now be assumed to have done, then the attempts to<br />

further classify voters according to their activities overseas or their<br />

residence status become constitutionally untenable. O’Regan J simply<br />

accepted as a self-evident constitutional principle that voter registration<br />

conclusively settled the right to cast a special vote. All that mattered<br />

thereafter was to ensure that all registered voters were given a reasonable<br />

opportunity to cast their vote. If the second severance order in the Richter<br />

case is understood in <strong>this</strong> way, it means that the judgment has nothing to<br />

do with the vindication of expatriate voting rights. The effect of the<br />

judgment might well have been that some expatriate citizens acquired the<br />

right to vote (which they did), but the reason they did so was purely<br />

because their names still appeared on the voters’ roll, not because of any<br />

independent constitutional principle that citizenship includes the right of<br />

expatriate citizens to vote or to register as voters. 61<br />

While <strong>this</strong> narrow reading of the second severance order might have<br />

some initial appeal (in as far as it at least provides us with a reason for the<br />

order), the fact of voter registration cannot by itself provide a reason for the<br />

second severance order. To begin with, registration as a voter is not a onceoff<br />

event. There is a (widely neglected) civic and legislative duty on the<br />

58 AParty (n 9 above) paras 52 - 53.<br />

59<br />

AParty (n 9 above) para 72.<br />

60 AParty (n 9 above) para 74.<br />

61 This is a point lost on the expatriate voting rights lobby which continues to claim that<br />

the Richter judgment recognised the constitutional right of all expatriate citizens to vote.<br />

See further below.

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