04.06.2014 Views

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Towards a framework for understanding constitutional deference 305<br />

become involved because of the social or political consequences of doing<br />

so. 63 Nevertheless, in principle, the political nature of the decision may<br />

legitimately form the ground for a deferent stance by the courts.<br />

A second instance where courts are more likely to be deferential to the<br />

decisions of the executive or legislature is where the constitution or right<br />

in question permits a wide range of legitimate responses, or where the right<br />

has to be balanced against another right. Young calls <strong>this</strong> ‘substantive<br />

legislator deference’. 64 Examples of such situations can be found in the case<br />

law of Canada and the United Kingdom. In Canada, in both Edwards Books<br />

and Irwin Toy, 65 for instance, the key factor underpinning the Supreme<br />

Court’s approach to deference was the fact that the legislative decision<br />

under review was aimed at reaching a compromise between the rights of<br />

two competing groups. Similarly, in Kebilene and Roth, 66 the House of<br />

Lords noted that where rights are unqualified, courts are well placed to<br />

determine the content of the right and the legality of any infringement to<br />

that right; but where the Convention requires a balancing of rights, greater<br />

deference is due.<br />

A variation on <strong>this</strong> theme has been enunciated by the South<br />

African Constitutional Court in Ferreira v Levin, 67 where Ackermann J, in a<br />

discussion of the broad, residual nature of the right to freedom and security<br />

of the person in section 11 of the interim Constitution, acknowledged that<br />

the German Federal Constitutional Court was more deferent to the<br />

German legislature in areas protected by the general right of ‘freedom of<br />

action’ in contrast to other rights which are more expressly protected. This<br />

approach, the Court noted, is analogous to the United States ‘heightened<br />

scrutiny’ of ‘fundamental rights’. In short, Ackermann J found that<br />

where a right is expressly and narrowly protected in the Constitution, the<br />

Court would be less deferent to the legislature than would be the case where<br />

the interest was protected generally or through a residual right. Hence,<br />

where a right is given express and precise protection, courts will be less<br />

deferent in protecting that right.<br />

Third, when fundamental rights, highly prized in a particular society,<br />

are at issue, a court is less likely to defer to choices made by the agency in<br />

question. This approach often results in courts drawing lines between what<br />

63 For other academic criticism of <strong>this</strong> reasoning, see S Fredman ‘From deference to<br />

democracy: The role of equality under the Human Rights Act 1998’ (2006) 122 Law<br />

Quarterly Review 53 61; D Dyzenhaus & M Hunt ‘Deference, security and human rights’ in<br />

J Goold & L Lazarus (eds) Security and human rights (2007) 125 130.<br />

64 AL Young ‘Ghaidan v Godin-Mendoza: Avoiding the deference trap’ (2005) Public Law 23<br />

31.<br />

65 R v Edwards Books and Art Ltd [1986] 2 SCR 713 para 151; Irwin Toy Ltd v Quebec (AG)<br />

[1989] 1 SCR 927 para 74.<br />

66<br />

Kebilene (n 31 above) 380; Roth (n 31 above) 84, per Laws LJ in dissent.<br />

67 Ferreira v Levin NO; Vryenhoek v Powell NO 1996 1 SA 984 (CC).

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!