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294 Chapter 13<br />

The debate regarding the democratic legitimacy of judicial review is<br />

perhaps best understood by referring to the authors who reflect the extreme<br />

positions of the academic spectrum: Ronald Dworkin and Jeremy Waldron.<br />

Dworkin relies primarily on the third argument, that is, an expanded notion<br />

of democracy, but also puts forward arguments regarding the value of<br />

judicial review which could be used to support pragmatic arguments in<br />

favour of judicial review. Waldron, on the other hand, asserts the primacy<br />

of democracy and attempts to refute Dworkin’s democratic argument for<br />

judicial review. It should be noted from the outset, that the Dworkin-Waldron<br />

debate is located firmly within the jurisprudence of the United States<br />

constitutional democracy, which is, given the lack of direct constitutional<br />

authority for judicial review and the extent to which the courts engage in<br />

judicial review, not the norm internationally. Indeed, in the United Kingdom<br />

and in Canada (and to a much greater extent in South Africa), courts are<br />

mandated to undertake judicial review – thus undermining, to some extent,<br />

the need and substance of both Dworkin’s and Waldron’s arguments in those<br />

jurisdictions. Nevertheless, the debate is informative for discussions on the<br />

democratic legitimacy of judicial review.<br />

Waldron argues that there is no necessary connection between the<br />

adoption of a ‘rights-based position’ (a term he adopts from Dworkin) to<br />

indicate that a concern for fundamental rights lies at the foundation of a<br />

particular position) 9 and the protection of those rights in a bill of rights with<br />

enforcement through judicial review. 10 His central thesis is that judicial<br />

review is a negation of the individual right to democratic self-government,<br />

which is given effect through electoral representation. 11 Constitutionalisation<br />

of rights, he argues, is undermined by its own logic. This is<br />

because the entrenchment of a right in a bill of rights and the ‘attitude of<br />

mistrust’ that <strong>this</strong> comprises (since it precludes citizen involvement in the<br />

development of rights jurisprudence) is undermined by the underlying<br />

premise of rights themselves – that citizens are autonomous and<br />

responsible agents. 12<br />

Waldron emphasises the importance of citizens’ right to participation<br />

as stemming from ‘our democratic principles, and from our conviction that<br />

self-government and participation in politics by ordinary men and<br />

women, on equal terms, is itself a matter of fundamental right’. 13 The<br />

entrenchment of constitutional rights amounts to an abrogation of <strong>this</strong><br />

right to the courts, a move which Waldron finds unacceptable:<br />

9 R Dworkin Taking rights seriously (1977) 90 – 100, 171 - 177.<br />

10 J Waldron ‘A right-based critique of constitutional rights’ (1993) 13 Oxford Journal of<br />

Legal Studies 18 20 - 28.<br />

11 This argument was first presented in Waldron (n 10 above), and later developed in<br />

J Waldron Law and disagreement (1999).<br />

12<br />

Waldron (n 11 above) 249 - 252.<br />

13 Waldron (n 10 above) 36.

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