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Difference between ubuntu and dignity 225<br />

possibility of guiding our actions through practical reason. We should, as a<br />

moral mandate – and in the case of Justice Ackermann’s ‘New South<br />

Africa’ also as a constitutional mandate – regard all other human beings<br />

through the representation of that possibility. Thus, Kant introduces the<br />

idea of horizontal thinking, by which I mean the recognition that all creatures<br />

defined by <strong>this</strong> possibility have equal worth. Therefore, any return to<br />

hierarchies that deny to any human being that he or she partakes in <strong>this</strong><br />

possibility must be rejected.<br />

As an ideal attribution, dignity can be violated even as it remains the<br />

basis of our moral worth, because as creatures that have at least the possibility<br />

of moral action we might be able to bring about a new beginning. That is,<br />

dignity as an ideal attribution of our sameness before <strong>this</strong> possibility can be<br />

violated, but not lost. Here we see the difference between sameness and<br />

likeness for Kant. We are the same before <strong>this</strong> possibility even if as a matter<br />

of actual life many, if not all of us, give ourselves long (sometimes endless)<br />

moral holidays. Nor does it matter for a defence of our intrinsic equal<br />

worth that we are actually different in our physical selves. Kant defends a<br />

view of autonomy rooted in how we might be: In <strong>this</strong> sense he does not offer<br />

a moral or ethical ontology of who we are rooted in any theory of human<br />

nature. Indeed, to the degree that Kant speculated in the anthropology of<br />

his time, he had a rather sour view of human nature.<br />

For the former Justice Ackermann, the moral categorical imperative for the<br />

new South Africa is precisely the recognition of <strong>this</strong> sameness, which, of<br />

course, is a complete moral inversion of the dreadful history of apartheid. For<br />

the former Justice Ackermann, the constitutional imperative demands that<br />

never again will dignity be violated, and that its respect requires that dignity<br />

not only be treated as a right (as it must be under section 10 of the<br />

Constitution) but also as an ideal that informs how the other rights in the Bill<br />

of Rights are to be interpreted. On <strong>this</strong> understanding, when a justice uses<br />

dignity as a constitutional imperative, that justice is not locked into a kind of<br />

formalistic reasoning that says we respect the Constitution because it is the<br />

Constitution – as some critics of the dignity jurisprudence have suggested.<br />

For Ackermann, it is dignity that is the grundnorm of the entire Constitution.<br />

Again, a grundnorm is the moral or ethical principle or ideal that<br />

undergirds the moral as well as the legal order of society. We need to note<br />

that the distinction between moral and legal rights is only made in Anglo-<br />

American jurisprudence, while for Kant legal rights are moral rights. The<br />

meaningful distinction in Kant is between the realm of internal freedom –<br />

morality – and the realm of external freedom, law. More on that<br />

distinction shortly.<br />

In the case of South Africa, <strong>this</strong> understanding of dignity can yield an<br />

interpretation of section 10 of the South African Constitution that separates

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