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Mazibuko v City of Johannesburg - a jurisprudential setback 325<br />

between the various spheres of government, and the legality of legislative and<br />

executive action measured against the Bill of Rights, and other provisions<br />

of the Constitution’. 26 This exercise, according to Chaskalson P, requires<br />

independence and involves the weighing up of information, the forming of<br />

an opinion based on information and the law, and the giving of a decision<br />

on the basis of a consideration of relevant information and the law. 27<br />

As has been pointed out, the Ferreira case stressed that ‘the protection<br />

of fundamental freedoms is pre-eminently a function of the court’. 28 The<br />

Ferreira case concerned civil and political rights, but <strong>this</strong> statement is equally<br />

applicable to socio-economic rights. Thus, when a litigant approaches the<br />

Court because his or her constitutional right of access to sufficient water is<br />

being violated or is under threat of violation, it is pre-eminently a judicial<br />

task to determine whether the conduct or law in question constitutes such<br />

violation or threat of violation. Such a decision will involve the weighing<br />

up of information, the forming of an opinion based on the available<br />

information (or facts and the law, and the giving of a decision on the basis of<br />

a consideration of the relevant information (or facts) and the law. In the TAC<br />

case, the Constitutional Court provided a lucid statement of the role of<br />

courts with regard to socio-economic rights. It stated that:<br />

The primary duty of courts is to the Constitution and the law, ‘which they must<br />

apply impartially and without fear, favour or prejudice’. The Constitution requires<br />

the state to ‘respect, protect, promote, and fulfil the rights in the Bill of Rights’.<br />

Where state policy is challenged as inconsistent with the Constitution, courts have<br />

to consider whether in formulating and implementing such policy the state has given<br />

effect to its constitutional obligations. If it should hold in any given case that the<br />

state has failed to do so, it is obliged by the Constitution to say so. In so far as that<br />

constitutes an intrusion into the domain of the executive, that is an intrusion<br />

mandated by the Constitution itself. 29<br />

Thus, the Court seems to suggest that where a court delves into policy issues<br />

with a view to assessing the compatibility of such policies with the<br />

Constitution, whilst that might be viewed as an intrusion into an area that<br />

is not pre-eminently within its domain, it is an intrusion that is<br />

constitutionally mandated. One might call <strong>this</strong> a technical constitutional<br />

justification for the court to engage complex polycentric policy issues. The<br />

Court points out that the reason it would engage in such an exercise is to<br />

decide on ‘whether in formulating and implementing such policy the state<br />

has given effect to its constitutional obligations’. It is submitted that the<br />

Court cannot do <strong>this</strong> without defining the content of such obligations.<br />

The question remains: Is it essentially inconsistent with the judicial function<br />

for the court to deal with policy issues? Some have argued that the most<br />

26 Heath (n 24 above) para 26.<br />

27 Heath (n 24 above) para 34.<br />

28<br />

n 7 above.<br />

29 TAC (n 8 above) para 99.

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