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Towards a framework for understanding constitutional deference 299<br />

British Court of Appeal judgment dealing with the allocation of limited<br />

budgets in the healthcare sector, in which the Court stated that it could not<br />

make such a judgment, Lord Justice Dyson noted the following:<br />

I do not think that the court was saying that the court cannot make such a<br />

judgment. Clearly, it is not impossible for the court to do so, especially if it is<br />

provided with all the material that was available to the decision makers. But it<br />

is not the normal function of courts to make such judgments, and they<br />

are less-well-equipped than health authorities to make them. 36<br />

Thus, the question of institutional competence is not purely one of<br />

intellectual capacity and knowledge, but one of appropriateness. In <strong>this</strong> sense,<br />

it is clearly linked to issues of constitutional competence. Another issue<br />

affecting the institutional competence of courts to adjudicate certain matters<br />

is the nature of the evidence placed before the court. Where evidence relates<br />

to complex social science matters, courts will be more deferent to the<br />

decision making of the other branches of government. 37 There is also, of<br />

course, a limit to the quantity of evidence that can be placed before the court<br />

and which judges can be expected to assimilate. 38<br />

Lon Fuller’s famous article on polycentricity is often cited as authority<br />

for the view that courts are not appropriate forums to decide sufficiently<br />

polycentric matters. 39 Since decisions involving social policy or socioeconomic<br />

rights are normally thought to involve polycentric issues and<br />

complex issues of policy, courts are often reluctant to adjudicate on such<br />

matters and will usually accord the state a high level of deference in such<br />

adjudication. 40 In particular, where there are competing socio-economic<br />

theories, courts will be extremely reluctant to make policy choices. Given<br />

the centrality of Fuller’s article on <strong>this</strong> matter, it is worth discussing it in<br />

some detail.<br />

The notion of polycentricity was first introduced and discussed by Fuller<br />

in his posthumously published article of 1978, ‘The forms and limits of<br />

adjudication’. This article remains the foremost exposition on<br />

polycentricity, cited repeatedly in the secondary literature and case law as<br />

authority for the proposition that polycentric decisions are not justiciable,<br />

with little further discussion. Fuller’s article explores the use of<br />

adjudication as a form of social ordering, contrasting adjudication with two<br />

36<br />

Lord Justice Dyson ‘Some thoughts on judicial deference’ (2006) Judicial Review 103 para<br />

13. The judgment being discussed by Lord Justice Dyson was R v Cambridge Health<br />

Authority, ex parte B [1995] 1 WLR 898.<br />

37<br />

See the minority decisions in MacDonald (n 32 above) which discuss <strong>this</strong> consideration<br />

in detail.<br />

38 Lord Walker ‘Second-guessing government: Judicial deference and human rights’<br />

(unpublished paper delivered at Oriel College, Oxford, 17 February 2005) 19.<br />

39 L Fuller ‘The forms and limits of adjudication’ (1978) 92 Harvard LR 353.<br />

40 Decisions in Canada and the United Kingdom illustrate <strong>this</strong> approach well: See the<br />

minority decisions in MacDonald (n 32 above), Chaoulli v Quebec (AG) (2005) 1 SCR<br />

791; and the English decisions in Kebilene (n 31 above); Roth (n 31 above) paras 144 184.

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