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Does transformative constitutionalism require the recognition of animal rights? 195<br />

In relation to non-human animals, specifically, it is clear that we have<br />

certain strong ingrained prejudices in favour of humans which again<br />

should make us particularly wary against concluding that the interests of<br />

such creatures should be granted lesser weight. Inevitably, judgments that<br />

impact upon laws are always going to be made by human beings in<br />

relation to non-human animals: There is thus an inescapable likelihood of<br />

bias in favour of the human. Moreover, many humans have a strong selfinterest<br />

in relegating animals to a second-class moral status which would<br />

enable human interests easily to outweigh animal interests. Many of these<br />

interests are very close to human beings and include the eating of meat, the<br />

development of medicines, clothing and entertainment. As a result of these<br />

interests, over time, human beings have developed a range of strategies to<br />

render them less sensitive to animal suffering. Intellectual honesty requires<br />

that we recognise already that there will be a strong likelihood of bias against<br />

animals in any decisions relating to them. These reasonable apprehensions<br />

of bias on our part reinforce the view that the presumption in <strong>this</strong> context<br />

needs to be firmly in favour of equal moral weight being attached to animal<br />

interests unless there are good reasons to depart from <strong>this</strong>. This<br />

presumption does not mean that animal interests would always win out: 72<br />

It simply means that in considering a law or practice that infringes on an<br />

animal’s rights, they must be given fair and equal moral weight in any<br />

constitutional evaluation. 73<br />

It is important to point out, that a commitment to equal moral weight<br />

being attributed to animal interests does not entail identical treatment. The<br />

72<br />

Metz in Woolman & Bilchitz (n 36 above) 217 gives several examples with which he<br />

seeks to support the unequal moral status of humans and animals. The one example<br />

involves two humans (A and B) who are starving along with a pig. Metz claims that it<br />

would be permissible to shoot the pig to feed A and B, but it would not be permissible<br />

(indeed, it would be gravely disrespectful) for A to shoot B to feed himself and the pig.<br />

This example, suggests Metz, is best explained by the unequal moral status of the pig and<br />

the two humans. Even if we agree with Metz’s description of what should happen in<br />

<strong>this</strong> example, his conclusion does not follow. Consider an example where there are<br />

three humans, X, Y and Z who are all about to starve and are running out of rations. X<br />

and Y are roughly 25 years old and Z is 90 years old. One of the humans has to be<br />

allowed to die if the others are to survive. Most people it would seem would judge it<br />

better for Z to be killed than either X or Y on account of his age. Does <strong>this</strong> mean that<br />

older people have less moral status than younger ones?<br />

73 Metz in Woolman & Bilchitz (n 36 above) 218 - 9, in his response to <strong>this</strong> article, clearly<br />

demonstrates the dangers of failing to grant equal moral weight to animal interests. He<br />

suggests that to expend any resources to enforce even the most minimal protections for<br />

animal interests could constitute ‘disrespect’ for Africans where so many are suffering. I<br />

have already provided a response to the compensatory justice argument: However, it<br />

is important to recognise that ‘disrespect’ could only be understood if one thinks that<br />

animals are not entitled to equal consideration in distributive decisions. Moreover,<br />

Metz’s point seems to suggest that no resources should be dedicated to protecting<br />

animal interests, thus, even failing to grant their interests minimal weight. The lack of<br />

equal concern thus translates into a lack of any form of concern at all from the point of<br />

view of public institutions. The simple point is that if animals count morally (and I have<br />

provided reasons for thinking they should count equally), some resources at least will<br />

have to be distributed towards defending their interests (if not actively advancing<br />

them). The alternative is arbitrarily to prejudice the interests of non-human animals,<br />

something proscribed by the grundnorm underlying our Constitution.

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