04.06.2014 Views

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

Download this publication - PULP

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Mazibuko v City of Johannesburg - a jurisprudential setback 321<br />

executive) supremacy. 11 Whilst parliamentary supremacy is a direct offshoot<br />

of an understanding of democracy in the sense of ‘representative democracy’,<br />

constitutional democracy, as Roux states, is a purely descriptive term that is<br />

used to connote a system in which the people’s power to make collective<br />

decisions is constrained by a written constitution, or at least a received set of<br />

institutional practices that is regarded as being incapable of ordinary<br />

amendment. Roux argues that usually, but not necessarily, the power to<br />

decide whether the people, acting through the political branches, have<br />

deviated from the terms of the Constitution is vested in the judiciary, and<br />

also that usually but not necessarily, the judiciary exercises <strong>this</strong> power on<br />

the authority of the supreme law embodied in the bill of rights. Roux<br />

understands the term ‘constitutional democracy’ as the binary opposite of the<br />

term ‘parliamentary sovereignty’ which connotes a system in which the<br />

legislature has the final word in the event of inter-branch conflict over the<br />

constitutionality of a collective decision. 12 It has been argued, quite correctly,<br />

that since the judiciary is the final arbiter on the constitutionality of laws or<br />

conduct in a system of constitutional supremacy and, indeed, since the courts<br />

make the final determination on the scope of their own powers, the courts<br />

must have mechanisms of self-restraint to prevent them from unnecessarily<br />

interfering with the functions of the other organs of government. 13 They<br />

need to be fully cognisant of the need to allow an appropriate margin of<br />

discretion for the other state organs.<br />

It is submitted that the notion of judicial deference towards other organs<br />

of government ought to be understood within the framework of constitutional<br />

democracy as eloquently expounded by Roux. Kirsty McLean’s paper reflects<br />

<strong>this</strong> understanding to a large extent. However, what seems to emerge from her<br />

paper is that she does not necessarily support or attack the nature of judicial<br />

deference that the Constitutional Court has adopted in socio-economic rights<br />

cases; and <strong>this</strong> seems to be deliberate as her project is only meant, it seems, to<br />

be a principled demonstration of the use of the post-apartheid understanding<br />

of constitutional deference in an analysis of human rights and particularly<br />

socio-economic rights adjudication.<br />

This paper generally affirms McLean’s project in <strong>this</strong> regard, but wishes<br />

to go further and submit that the Constitutional Court has extended its notion<br />

of deference too far. The paper surveys a number of decisions on socioeconomic<br />

rights by the Court, but it will focus in more depth on the Court’s<br />

recent decision in Mazibuko v City of Johannesburg. 14 This is a landmark<br />

11<br />

Executive supremacy manifests itself in dictatorships where the head of state or<br />

government wields immense powers, sometimes issuing decrees or edicts that<br />

override laws passed by elected institutions. It is submitted that it would be a<br />

misnomer to refer to such a regime as reflecting parliamentary supremacy.<br />

12 See T Roux ‘Democracy’ in Woolman et al (eds) Constitutional law of South Africa (2006)<br />

10 - 18.<br />

13<br />

See I Currie & J de Waal The Bill of Rights handbook (2005) 22.<br />

14 2010 4 SA 1 (CC).

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!