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The content and justification of rationality review 61<br />

promotes adherence to public reason. 101 Public reason, simply put, is that set of<br />

principles and other reasons for action that are appropriate morally to justify<br />

laws and state conduct. On any acceptable political morality, all branches<br />

and spheres of the state bear a special role-based moral obligation always<br />

and only to pass laws and to act in a manner that is publicly justified. The<br />

rationality principle is designed to promote publicly justified state law and<br />

conduct by empowering judges to uphold, as a minimum constitutional<br />

baseline, a prohibition on arbitrary law and conduct. Of course, the legal<br />

prohibition on arbitrary or irrational law and conduct, as I have explained, is<br />

weaker than the moral prohibition on unjustified law and conduct. This, to<br />

recall, flows from the principle of comity – the institutional respect courts<br />

owe the political branches of government. Nevertheless, for state law and<br />

conduct to be publicly justified, it must at the very least be neither arbitrary<br />

nor irrational.<br />

Rationality review promotes adherence to public reason at least in two<br />

ways. First, its application ensures that many arbitrary acts and laws are<br />

invalidated. 102<br />

Secondly, it probably has a positive impact on political decisionmaking<br />

by providing the executive and legislature an incentive to ensure<br />

that their acts and laws serve legitimate purposes. 103<br />

However, rationality review is not without its costs. Two stand out.<br />

The first is that its discretionary character injects a degree of uncertainty<br />

into the law, so that both political decision-makers and potential litigants<br />

are given imperfect guidance. The second cost is that rationality review<br />

empowers unelected judges to evaluate and, in certain restricted<br />

circumstances, to invalidate decisions of the executive and legislature. This<br />

may be costly given the limited institutional competence of courts – they<br />

are poorly suited to making political decisions, due to the nature of<br />

judicial procedure and the particular expertise of judges. Democratic<br />

principle, moreover, suggests that the political responsibility of politicians<br />

should not be diluted by overreaching judicial decisions.<br />

101 This claim is similar, but not identical, to Bishop’s suggestion in Woolman & Bilchitz (n 5<br />

above) 29, following Mureinik (n 100 above), that rationality review promotes ‘a<br />

culture of justification’. A culture of justification, in a political community, is a<br />

predominant practice of seeking to persuade the public that laws and state conduct are<br />

justified; genuine state adherence to public reason, on the other hand, requires<br />

those justifications to be legitimate and convincing. In my view, while both goals are<br />

extremely valuable, the latter is more important and fundamental. I believe that<br />

rationality review serves both.<br />

102 Rationality review cannot ensure that all state arbitrariness is legally invalidated. Given<br />

the huge role that the state plays in South African society and the sheer number of its<br />

laws and acts, as well as the high costs of litigation, it is possible that many irrational<br />

laws and acts slip through the net.<br />

103 I say ‘probably’ because <strong>this</strong> is essentially a contingent matter: Empirical research would be<br />

required to be certain about any concrete impact that court orders might have on political<br />

decision making.

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