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Kibitzing with Frank Michelman on how to best read the Constitutional Court 415<br />

Professor Michelman does spend enormous energy prying apart my<br />

apparent collapse of the various possible relationships between sections<br />

39(2) and 172 of the final Constitution. Our application jurisprudence is<br />

certainly the better for his efforts.<br />

What I cannot accept, however, is the impression left by Professor<br />

Michelman that it matters not as to whether the Bill of Rights applies<br />

directly or indirectly as long as the Court generates an outcome that one<br />

can, through extensive reconstruction, explain. A text – and more than a<br />

handful of judgments – that cannot be taught in a rigourous way to secondyear<br />

LLBs is an explication that does not do the text or our students justice.<br />

not overturn the central holding of Du Plessis? No. (2) Can Du Plessis still be good law<br />

when the constitutional provisions upon which it was grounded have been completely<br />

altered? No. (3) Does not sec 8(2) expressly reject the claim in Du Plessis that the Bill of<br />

Rights does not apply directly to private disputes governed by common law? Yes. (4)<br />

Did a unanimous Constitutional Court in Khumalo not expressly recognise that the<br />

substantive provisions of the Bill of Rights of the final Constitution applies directly to<br />

all law and private disputes, where appropriate, through secs 8(2) and 8(3)? Yes. (5)<br />

Acknowledging the force of Frank’s claim that it does not matter whether common law<br />

disputes between private parties are engaged by sec 8(2) or sec 39(2), is it still correct, as a<br />

matter of law, to say that Du Plessis was not overturned by Khumalo read with the text of<br />

the final Constitution? No. (6) Should we be satisfied with the Deputy Chief Justice’s<br />

contention that the Constitutional Court’s extant approach to the development of the<br />

common law remains the same as it did under the interim Constitution? No. The Deputy<br />

Chief Justice’s remarks are that much more disconcerting given that the Technical<br />

Committee charged with drafting the Bill of Rights of the final Constitution expressly<br />

intended for secs 8(1) and 8(2) to capture all matters involving direct application of a<br />

substantive provision of the Bill of Rights (including, specifically, the direct application of<br />

substantive provisions to disputes between private parties governed by the common law)<br />

and that sec 39 was intended to be exactly what it says – a guide to interpretation of all<br />

law in light of the spirit, purport and objects of the Bill of Rights. See C Rautenbauch<br />

‘Remarks on the intention of the Technical Committee regarding the extension of sec 8<br />

and sec 39’ (3 March 2011) (on file with author). See also S v Makwanyane 1995 3 SA 391<br />

(CC), 1995 6 BCLR 665 (CC), 1995 2 SACR 1 (CC) (Chaskalson P) (on the value of<br />

travaux preparatoires); S Woolman ‘A curious extra-curial footnote: Deputy Chief Justice<br />

Moseneke’s aside and the tenacious hold of state action doctrines across constitutional<br />

jurisdictions’ Presentation at South African Institute of Advanced Constitutional,<br />

Public, Human Rights and International Law. (The paper suggests that the Deputy<br />

Chief Justice’s remarks are consistent with ‘state action’ doctrines adopted in Canada,<br />

Germany, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States – and the desuetude into<br />

which academic arguments about direct application often fall. The paper’s first<br />

hypothesis is that judges across jurisdictions are more comfortable with indirect<br />

application than they are with potentially upsetting the common law apple cart through<br />

direct application. It appears to matter not what the actual text of any given Constitution<br />

says. The second hypothesis turns on the indisputable fact that judges have started to<br />

speak globally about constitutional law. This global conversation may reinforce existing<br />

practices on the bench rather than disentrench them. That is, the global constitutional<br />

conversation may justify existing practices instead of inviting novel approaches.)

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