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302 Chapter 13<br />

polycentricity has important consequences for judicial adjudication of<br />

polycentric matters, it is difficult to see how it can be used as a principled<br />

basis for deciding which matters are, or should be, justiciable.<br />

The second important issue raised by Fuller is the role of the judge.<br />

Fuller’s conception of adjudication coloured his understanding of the role of<br />

the judge. For Fuller, a judge is more like an umpire who makes decisions<br />

on the basis of the evidence presented by the parties. 51<br />

Adjudication is, then, a device which gives formal and institutional<br />

expression to the influence of reasoned argument in human affairs. As such it<br />

assumes a burden of rationality not borne by any other form of social<br />

ordering. A decision which is the product of reasoned argument must be<br />

prepared itself to meet the test of reason. We demand of an adjudicative<br />

decision a kind of rationality we do not expect of the results of contract or of<br />

voting. This higher responsibility toward rationality is at once the strength and<br />

the weakness of adjudication as a form of social ordering. 52<br />

For Fuller, the only way to ensure that the judiciary will not pre-judge a<br />

matter or be biased is through the adversarial procedure. As a result, he<br />

failed to consider the potential of a more inquisitorial approach, as used<br />

in many continental judicial procedures, for example, as an alternative to<br />

his strictly adversarial approach. 53 It is arguable that some of the<br />

deficiencies in the adjudication process identified by Fuller could be<br />

ameliorated if the judge in a polycentric dispute adopted a more<br />

inquisitorial role. 54 In such a role, a judge would be able to help identify<br />

polycentric issues and protect the interests of potentially affected parties<br />

which are not before the court. 55 The Indian courts provide a good<br />

example of how <strong>this</strong> could be done: These courts have instituted<br />

mechanisms to ensure that adequate evidence is placed before them through<br />

the appointment of ‘socio-legal fact-finding’ commissions. 56 Similarly,<br />

courts can appoint an amicus curiae to represent the interests of those not<br />

directly before the court, or request a state body, or even a non-governmental<br />

organisation, to make representations to the courts.<br />

51<br />

Fuller (n 39 above) 365 - 367.<br />

52 Fuller (n 39 above) 366 - 367.<br />

53 Allison (n 44 above) 377, 380. It was <strong>this</strong> ‘Anglo-American bias’, recognised by Fuller,<br />

which was one of the reasons Fuller was not prepared to publish his article: Allison<br />

(n 44 above) 377.<br />

54 In South Africa, eg, courts are not unfamiliar with an inquisitorial approach, as there is a<br />

statutory obligation to adopt an inquisitorial approach in criminal law proceedings,<br />

where <strong>this</strong> is necessary to obtain a just decision: Rex v Hepworth [1928] AD 265.<br />

55 M Pieterse ‘Coming to terms with judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights’<br />

(2004) 20 SAJHR 383 396; Allison (n 44 above) 376 - 377.<br />

56 PN Bhagwati ‘Judicial activism and public interest litigation’ (1985) 23 Columbia<br />

Journal of Transnational Law 561, 574 - 575; GL Peiris ‘Public interest litigation in the<br />

Indian subcontinent: Current dimensions’ (1991) 40 International and Comparative Law<br />

Quarterly 66, 77 - 81; U Baxi ‘Judicial discourse: Dialectics of the face and the mask’ (1993) 35<br />

Journal of the Indian Law Institute 1, 7 - 8; Shah ‘Illuminating the possible in the<br />

developing world: Guaranteeing the human right to health in India’ (1999) 32 Vanderbilt<br />

Journal of Transnational Law 435, 471.

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