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The content and justification of rationality review 53<br />

legitimate sphere of choice. This explains why courts invariably restate their<br />

duty not to ‘second-guess’ the political branches in those cases where<br />

challenged laws and acts are upheld as rational. 69 But in cases where the<br />

challenged law or conduct fails to serve at least one acceptable purpose, the<br />

courts should invalidate it. To the extent that they exercise discretion in doing<br />

so, 70 that is consistent with the principle of comity because the courts are<br />

defining the boundaries of rational state decision making, rather than<br />

interfering with the political branches’ freedom to choose within those<br />

boundaries.<br />

Of course, none of the above justifies rationality review, including the fact<br />

that judges often exercise discretion when defining the boundaries of<br />

rational state decision making. I consider that deeper, normative question<br />

in parts 4 and 5 below. Instead, the advantage of <strong>this</strong> explanation is that it<br />

renders intelligible the courts’ claim to be able both to apply the vague and<br />

evaluative legal standard of rationality and simultaneously to pay the<br />

executive and legislature the institutional respect they deserve.<br />

3.3 Variability<br />

The second implication of my account of reasonableness and rationality is<br />

that it enables us to explain both how and why the ‘intensity’ of judicial<br />

scrutiny of law and state conduct varies. There are two distinct forms of<br />

variability. The first, most obvious form is between standards of review.<br />

The rationality principle, as described above, is the minimum<br />

constitutional standard for all law and conduct, whereas the higher<br />

standard of reasonableness applies in a more limited range of cases: for<br />

example, to decide whether a limitation of a fundamental right is<br />

‘reasonable and justifiable’ in term of section 36 of the Constitution; 71 to<br />

decide whether Parliament has complied with its constitutional obligation<br />

69 Thus, we need not accept Bishop’s suggestion in Woolman & Bilchitz (n 5 above) 27, that<br />

there is ‘a massive gap’ between what the Court does and what the Court says it does.<br />

70<br />

They often exercise discretion, but not always, because some cases are straightforward.<br />

Arguably, Kruger (n 30 above) and Van der Merwe (n 13 above), for example, fall into <strong>this</strong><br />

class.<br />

71<br />

In <strong>this</strong> regard, ‘proportionality’ is best understood not as a standard of review entirely<br />

different to reasonableness, but rather as a rigorously structured test of reasonableness. So<br />

understood, a law that is disproportionately tailored to its end, and thus violates a<br />

fundamental right, suffers from a species of unreasonableness. (The same is true of laws that<br />

constitute unfair discrimination in terms of sec 9(3) of the Constitution on an application<br />

of the ‘impact’ test.) It is also worth observing that rationality is a necessary condition for<br />

proportionality. That is because, in order for a law that limits a fundamental right to be<br />

justified in terms of sec 36, it is necessary but insufficient that it serve some legitimate<br />

purpose (ie, it is rational). For it is impossible for an irrational law that limits a right to be<br />

justified under sec 36, because its cost (limiting a right) cannot possibly be outweighed by<br />

any countervailing benefit.

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