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The relationship between theory and practice across forms of life 357<br />

4.2 Choice architecture<br />

As Sunstein himself recognised in his ur-text on minimalism – One case at a<br />

time – <strong>this</strong> jurisprudential approach (of minimalism, not avoidance) only<br />

secures traction because it is parasitic upon a deep and widely shared set of<br />

constitutional norms and (tacit) assumptions held by judges, lawyers and<br />

citizens that determines most legal and ethical questions, and only leaves<br />

difficult, marginal questions undecided. On the necessity, and the<br />

presence, of a solid core (in a well-developed body of law), Sunstein writes:<br />

Anyone who seeks to leave things undecided is likely to accept a wide range of<br />

things, and these constitute a ‘core’ of agreement about constitutional essentials.<br />

In American constitutional law at the turn of the century, a distinctive set of<br />

substantive ideals now form that core. 37<br />

Sunstein still hews to the propositions above. However, in the decade that<br />

followed One case at a time, Sunstein’s project moved away from a ground<br />

clearing Cartesian skepticism with regard to theory. Instead, he has<br />

adopted a consciously experimental approach to social phenomena and to<br />

policy decisions in which ‘space’ or ‘choice’ architects draw on actual data<br />

in order to ‘nudge’ stakeholders in a ‘form of life’ into making more<br />

optimal choices, or generally more objective optimal choices than they<br />

would have made from if not stuck in their existing pre-reflective and<br />

untested default positions. 38<br />

A few examples might help. Markets, though often imperfect, rely<br />

upon limited ‘shared’ information (sometimes no more than price) and<br />

generate substantially more efficient outcomes than centrally-planned<br />

economies. Some open-source software, like Linux, produces incredibly<br />

rich results without any central planning. The web itself – the environment<br />

for Linux – produces both optimal and suboptimal outcomes, depending<br />

on how information is solicited and how further co-operative endeavours<br />

are organised. The best example – with which Thaler and Sunstein open up<br />

their book Nudge – is a ‘bit’ called ‘The cafeteria’:<br />

A friend of yours, Carolyn, is the director of food services for a large city school<br />

system ... [H]undreds of thousands of students eat in her cafeterias everyday.<br />

37 Sunstein (n 34 above) x. See also Sunstein ‘Leaving things undecided’ (1996) 110<br />

Harvard LR 4; Sunstein ‘Incompletely theorised agreements in constitutional law’ John<br />

M Olin Law and Economics Working Paper no 322 (January 2007), available at https://<br />

www.law.uchicago.edu/Lawecon/wkngPprs301–350/322.pdf (accessed 11 October<br />

2007).<br />

38<br />

See C Sunstein Infotopia: How many minds produce knowledge (n 10 above; Thaler &<br />

Sunstein Nudge (n 10 above); C Sunstein Rumours (2010). Bilchitz and Tuovinen make<br />

two critical mistakes when engaging Sunstein’s work. First, they fail to appreciate that<br />

Sunstein’s minimalism requires norms and theories as much as Dworkin’s maximalism<br />

does. Second, they fail to recognise that, despite what Sunstein wrote in 1996/1997,<br />

their differences are not merely of ‘mood’, but of ‘methodology’. Dworkin is an<br />

unabashed rationalist. Sunstein is an empiricist – a social scientist who puts his<br />

hypotheses to the test and only draws conclusions after the results are in.

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