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Migration, street democracy and expatriate voting rights 163<br />

Barry’s discussion of the Mexican case suggests that we need a more<br />

robust theory of democratic citizenship as political membership, stripped<br />

from its cultural, economic and international law dimensions. The<br />

challenge to develop such a theory has been taken up by Lôpes-Guerra. 77<br />

Lôpes-Guerra points out that the argument for voting rights, based on the<br />

ongoing economic contribution of the expatriate community to their<br />

country of nationality, is but one of several desert based arguments for the<br />

right to vote. She rejects the idea that citizens can acquire voting rights on<br />

any desert based consideration. Democracy requires that everyone who is<br />

directly subject to the territorial jurisdiction of the law should have a say in<br />

the making of that law. The crucial question is thus not whether expatriate<br />

citizens remain patriotic or economically productive Mexicans or South<br />

Africans, as O’Regan J has been read to suggest, but how expatriate<br />

citizens who are no longer directly subject to the jurisdiction of the law can<br />

rightfully claim a democratic right to have a say in the making of the law?<br />

The difference between the diasporic nationalism or national<br />

patriotism defended by Myburg and Macdonald and the constitutional<br />

patriotism defended by Rubio-Marìn and Lôpes-Guerra is sharply drawn.<br />

The idea of constitutional patriotism is generally associated with the work<br />

of Habermas. Habermas argued during the early 1990s that the task of the<br />

next generation of critical theorists was to employ a discourse theory of<br />

societal rationalisation in order to free democratic republicanism (or<br />

citizenship) from the domination of administrative state power and the<br />

mythology of the nation. 78 In contrast to the instrumentalist and ethical<br />

understandings of citizenship, Habermas favoured a discourse theoretical<br />

understanding in which the political community of democratic citizens<br />

was constituted by a network of egalitarian relations of mutual recognition<br />

that were called into being by the discursive medium of law itself. In <strong>this</strong><br />

regard, he felt encouraged at the time by the remark of the German<br />

Constitutional Court, in an important voting rights case of the late 1980s,<br />

to the effect that<br />

the idea of democracy, and especially the idea of liberty contained in it,<br />

implies that a congruence should be established between the possessors of<br />

democratic political rights and those who are permanently subject to a<br />

specific government. This is the proper starting point. 79<br />

The liberal expatriate lobby presents us with a theory of the law,<br />

democratic politics and voting rights in which <strong>this</strong> insight is almost<br />

completely forgotten. The basic idea underlying expatriate voting rights is<br />

that certain citizens can insulate and remove themselves from the<br />

jurisdiction of the law, without affecting their relationship with the rest of<br />

77<br />

C Lôpez-Guerra ‘Should expatriates vote’ (2005) 13 Journal of Political Philosophy 216<br />

78<br />

227.<br />

J Habermas Between facts and norms: Contributions to a discourse theory of law and democracy<br />

79<br />

(1996) 499.<br />

Habermas (n 78 above) 509.

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