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Theory, practice and the legal enterprise 385<br />

of law cohere and, thus, ultimately as to how one is to reason in relation to the<br />

Bill of Rights. The consequent adverse impact on the rule of law should be<br />

clear. As Woolman stated in his early criticism of Beinash:<br />

My concern stems mainly from the confusion that will invariably follow from<br />

decisions that are rendered in either a haphazard or a misleading manner.<br />

Lower courts, advocates, government officials and ordinary citizens are<br />

obliged to comply with the edicts that issue from the Constitutional Court. The<br />

easier those edicts are to understand, the greater the likelihood of compliance:<br />

from High Court to lowly commoner. The Constitutional Court itself must be<br />

able to follow its own judgments. This is not a matter of stare decisis. It is,<br />

rather, a point about the building of a coherent body of jurisprudence. 78<br />

Secondly, <strong>this</strong> lack of coherence can lead to ad hoc, ungrounded decisions.<br />

Thirdly, the Court itself avoids theoretical analysis where such reflection<br />

could counteract the applied decision it wishes to reach: Theory as a corrective<br />

upon unrestrained practical intuitions is thus rendered useless. 79 Without<br />

adequate theoretical engagement, the process of reflective equilibrium cannot<br />

even get started.<br />

We then agree with Woolman that the Court’s liaison with minimalism<br />

is undesirable for the constitutional enterprise. In the last section of <strong>this</strong> article,<br />

we turn to an assessment of Woolman’s alternative: a form of experimental<br />

constitutionalism.<br />

Part 3: Experimental constitutionalism and minimalism<br />

Woolman’s outline of experimental constitutionalism embraces several<br />

elements. First, it involves co-operation between different branches of<br />

government in a project of shared constitutional interpretation. Woolman<br />

claims that, over time, ‘courts, state actors and non-state actors will have the<br />

opportunity to determine whether various ‘social political experiments’ have<br />

achieved the ends set for us by our basic law (as interpreted by the courts, the<br />

legislature, the executive and non-state actors). We will, in instances of policy<br />

failure, also have an opportunity to decide whether the norms or the ends set<br />

by the courts, the legislature, the executive and non-state actors constitute<br />

the best possible gloss on our basic law’. 80 Secondly, ‘participatory bubbles’ are<br />

central to experimental constitutionalism. This essentially involves setting up<br />

structures to ensure that meaningful engagement occurs concerning optimal<br />

outcomes. Broadening community participation in such institutions as the<br />

South African Human Rights Commission or even court hearings would<br />

illustrate what is meant in <strong>this</strong> context. 81 Thirdly, participatory bubbles,<br />

78 Woolman (n 66 above) 178.<br />

79<br />

The Court’s approach gives credence to the charge that has been levelled against judges<br />

by certain (American) Realist legal theorists and by the critical legal studies movement.<br />

For a classic exposition of the latter’s line of thinking, see eg D Kennedy ‘Form and<br />

substance in private law adjudication’ (1976) Harvard LR 1865.<br />

80 Woolman (n 5 above) 360 (our emphasis).

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