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Towards a framework for understanding constitutional deference 303<br />

The third important argument, which derives from Fuller’s work, is<br />

that it is very difficult for courts to choose between two equally valid<br />

policy choices. 57<br />

While, it must be acknowledged that <strong>this</strong> statement is, on the whole,<br />

accurate, a couple of observations arise from <strong>this</strong> point. First, it may be just<br />

as difficult for a legislature or executive to make these choices. While these<br />

institutions potentially have greater access to data, they are not able to<br />

make perfect decisions based on perfect knowledge either. Indeed, the very<br />

idea of polycentricity was developed by Polanyi to argue against centralised<br />

state planning and to argue in favour of market-generated planning. The<br />

crucial difference is that the legislature and executive are democratically<br />

mandated to make these decisions – perfect or not – but that is a separate<br />

objection to judicial consideration of polycentric issues. The second point<br />

is that involving the judiciary in judicial review of social policy does not<br />

necessarily mean that the courts have to make policy choices to the<br />

exclusion of the executive and legislature, and can engage in a dialogue with<br />

the other branches of government. As the South African jurisprudence, for<br />

instance, demonstrates, courts are able to assess state policy for<br />

reasonableness, and in <strong>this</strong> way, engage in a dialogue over the development<br />

of policy in line with constitutional values. 58<br />

In short, Fuller raises a number of important issues regarding the<br />

adjudication of polycentric decisions which are relevant to a discussion of<br />

constitutional deference. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that Fuller’s<br />

work is limited in its scope and fails to deal with many issues. According to<br />

Allison, Fuller himself never regarded his article as sufficiently complete to be<br />

ready for <strong>publication</strong>. He recognised that he had failed adequately to take into<br />

consideration other forms of adjudication, developments in public law as a<br />

result of the civil-rights litigation, and that his description of adjudication was<br />

problematic. 59 Indeed, in his later work dealing with judicial review, he did<br />

not deal with polycentricity at all. 60 Fuller certainly raised important issues, but<br />

his analysis can by no means be considered the last word on the matter.<br />

Polycentricity is therefore not a bar to justiciability, but merely one<br />

consideration to be taken into account by the judiciary in deciding whether a<br />

matter should be justiciable or what the appropriate level of constitutional<br />

deference should be.<br />

57 Pieterse (n 55 above) 393. See the discussion of Makwanyane (n 78 above).<br />

58<br />

See K McLean ‘Housing’ in Woolman et al (eds) Constitutional law of South Africa (2006)<br />

55 for an illustration of the dialogue between the South African courts and the executive<br />

and legislature over the development of housing policy.<br />

59<br />

Allison (n 44 above) 377 - 378.<br />

60 L Fuller The morality of law (1969), first published in 1964. Fuller’s ‘The forms and<br />

limits of adjudication’ (n 39 above) was first written in 1957, and later revised in 1959<br />

and 1961: JA King ‘The pervasiveness of polycentricity’ (2008) Public Law 101 105 -<br />

106.

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